BATTLES 

oftKe  19"CEKTVKf 


FAMOUS  BATTLES 


NINETEENTH  CENTURY 


COLONEL  ROOSEVELT  AT  SAN  JUAN 


From  the  painting  by  Jean  Delanaye  in  the  Paris  Salon  Frontispiece 


Famous  Battles 

of  the 

Nineteenth  Century 

DESCRIBED    BY 

ARCHIBALD  FORBES,  GEORGE  A.  HENTY 

MAJOR  ARTHUR  GRIFFITHS,  AND   OTHER 

WELL-KNOWN  WRITERS 

EDITED    BY 

CHARLES   WELSH 

Author  of  "  A  Bookseller  of  the  Last  Century," 

"The  Little  Wonder  Shoes," 

etc.,  etc. 

1875-1900 
WITH    10   ILLUSTRATIONS 


NEW  YORK 
A.  WESSELS   COMPANY 

1910 


Copyright,  1905,  by 
A.  WESSELS  COMPANY,  New  York 

Printed  April,  1905 
Printed  April,  1910 


Composition  and  Electrotyping  by 

The  Plimpton  Press  Boston 
Printed  by  Braunworth  &  Co.  New  York 


PREFACE 

THE  Famous  Battles  of  the  Nineteenth 
Century  have  changed  the  face  of  nearly 
every  continent  on  the  globe  and  have 
consolidated  our  own  great  nation.  Therefore 
a  knowledge  of  them,  their  causes  and  effects, 
is  essential  to  a  true  understanding  of  world- 
history. 

They  have  also  called  forth  all  that  is  patriotic, 
and  noble,  and  courageous,  and  self-sacrificing  in 
many  of  those  who  took  part  in  them  —  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  war  is  a  manifestation  of  the 
baser  passion  of  human  nature.  True  it  is  that 
"he  who  ruleth  his  own  spirit  is  better  than  he 
that  taketh  a  city,"  and  yet  war  with  all  its  hor- 
rors calls  for  the  exercise  of  all  that  self-restraint, 
and  all  that  strength  of  character,  and  all  that 
obedience  to  the  call  of  duty,  which  we  every  one 
of  us  admire  and  which  we  all  should  emulate. 

Moreover,  the  same  courage  and  the  same 
resourcefulness  which  has  been  evoked  by  the 
famous  battles,  in  officer  and  common  soldier 
alike,  are  needed  always  in  life,  and  if  read  in 
the  right  spirit  many  lessons  can  be  gained  from 
these  episodes  in  history-making  which  will  be 

[5] 


2081676 


Preface 

valuable  in  the  more  peaceful  vocations  and 
avocations  of  life. 

To  present  the  famous  battles  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  in  their  relation  to  the  study  of 
history,  —  to  present  the  higher  developments  of 
character  which  they  have  called  forth,  —  and  at 
the  same  time  to  show  what  war  is,  in  reality,  - 
and  thus  perhaps  inculcate  and  foster  the  desire 
to  avoid  it,  —  are  the  main  objects  of  these  vol- 
umes. The  stories  they  contain  are  offered  as 
incentives  to  courage  and  patriotism,  not  to  ex- 
cite or  develop  the  warlike  spirit.  There  is  not 
one  of  us  who  does  not  wish  for  the  time  when 
the  war  drums  throb  no  longer,  and  the  battle 
flags  are  furled 

"  In  the  Parliament  of  man,  the  Federation  of  the  world." 

But  we  cannot  ignore  the  fact  that  a  large  part 
of  the  history  of  the  past  hundred  years  is  the 
story  of  its  battles,  and  we  can  only  hope  that 
the  same  will  not  have  to  be  written  of  the  cen- 
tury in  which  we  are  now  living.  Unhappily, 
however,  the  dawn  of  the  century  was  shadowed 
by  war  clouds  which  have  since  grown  denser 
and  blacker. 

The  present  volume  brings  our  account  of  the 
Famous  Battles  of  the  Nineteenth  Century  to  an 

[6] 


Preface 

end,  with  the  second  war  of  the  British  against 
the  Boers  still  in  progress. 

It  covers  a  long  period  and  its  scenes  are  laid  in 
every  quarter  of  the  globe.  We  chronicle  the 
passing  of  the  red  man  as  a  hostile  enemy  on  our 
own  continent,  and  the  beginnings  of  the  devel- 
opment of  the  United  States  as  a  World  Power 
by  the  war  against  Spain  and  other  events  which 
occurred  towards  the  close  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

The  stirring  story  of  the  Russo-Turkish  War 
—  and  the  attack  on  Kars,  the  Zulu  War  in 
which  the  young  Prince  Imperial  of  France  lost 
his  life,  the  thrilling  and  dramatic  story  of  Gen- 
eral Gordon,  and  the  breaking  of  the  power  of 
the  Mahdi  in  the  Soudan,  the  comparatively 
easy  victory  of  the  Japs  over  the  Chinese,  and  of 
the  Turks  over  the  Greeks,  are  varied  enough 
in  detail,  though  the  grim  theme  is  ever  the  same, 

The  great  and  commanding  personalities 
which  figure  in  most  of  the  epoch-making  events 
described  in  these  volumes  are  well  worth  study, 
and  one  purpose  of  the  work  will  be  accomplished 
if  it  incites  its  readers  to  a  more  intimate  knowl- 
edge in  closer  detail  of  the  lives  and  character 
of  some  of  the  men  whose  acquaintance  they 
have  made  in  it. 

For  the  most  part  the  descriptions  in  this  vol- 
ume have  been  written  by  the  veteran  war  cor- 

[7] 


Preface 

respondents,  who  contributed  to  the  first  three. 
But  the  campaigns  of  the  Nineties  are  compiled 
by  Mr.  A.  Milliard  Atteridge,  from  descriptions 
of  eye-witnesses,  such  as  newspaper  correspond- 
ents, and  officers  and  others  who  took  part  in 
the  battles  they  describe. 

CHARLES  WELSH. 
August,  1904. 


[8] 


CONTENTS 

r 

THE  RED  MAN'S  LAST  VICTORY.    Angus  Evan  Abbott  13 

THE  STORMING  OF  KARS.     Major  Arthur  Griffiths      .  32 

THE  BATTLE  OF  RORKE'S  DRIFT.     C.  Stein         .         .  51 

GENERAL  ROBERTS  IN  THE  AFGHAN  WAR.      Archibald 

Forbes 80 

THE  BOER  WAR  OF  1881.    Archibald  Forbes        .         .  115 

THE  BOMBARDMENT  OF  ALEXANDRIA.    Max  Pemberton  146 

KASSASSIN  AND  TEL-EL-KEBIR.    Charles  Lowe     .         .  167 

GENERAL  GORDON  AT  KHARTOUM.    Charles  Lowe         .  186 

THE  BATTLE  OF  PING-YANG.      A.  Hittiard  Atteridge  .  208 

PORT  ARTHUR,  1894.    A.  Hittiard  Atteridge         .         .  225 

THE  BATTLE  OF  DOMOKOS.    A.  Hittiard  Atteridge       .  246 

WITH  KITCHENER  IN  THE  SOUDAN.       A.  Hittiard  At- 
teridge     263 

THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA.    A.  Hilliard  Atteridge          .  310 

WITH  ROOSEVELT  ON  SAN  JUAN  HILL.         A.  Hittiard 

Atteridge 330 

THE  BATTLE  OF  MAGERSFONTEIN  (1889).    A.  Hittiard 

Atteridge 367 

THE  CAPTURE  OF  CRONJE.     A.  Hittiard  Atteridge       .  383 

NOTES 399 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

* 

COL.  ROOSEVELT  AT  SAN  JUAN     .         .          Frontispiece 

THERE  WAS  A  HAND-TO-HAND  STRUGGLE       .         .  65 
SAVING  THE  GUNS  AT  MAIWAND  (from  the  picture 

by  R.  Caton  Woodville,  R.  I.)  .          .80 

THE  MEN  STRUGGLED  ON  THROUGH  THE  HAIL  OF 

FIRE 128 

THE  BOMBARDMENT  OF  ALEXANDRIA    .         .         .  146 
CARRYING  THE  BASTIONS  WITH  THE  BAYONET        .  184 
FIVE  MINUTES  DESPERATE  AND   BLOODY  HAND- 
TO-HAND  FIGHTING 187 

GENERAL  CHARLES  GORDON         ....  206 
A  CORNER  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD,  —  THE  STAND- 
ARD-BEARER'S DEATH  GRIP  ....  294 
ADMIRAL  GEORGE  DEWEY 310 


Famous  Battles 

of  the 

Nineteenth  Century 

i 

The  Red  Man's  Last  Victory: 

The  Fight  of  the  Little  Big  Horn 

By  ANGUS  EVAN  ABBOTT 

t 

FROM  the  day  in  1609  when  Samuel  de 
Champlain  and  his  hardy  followers  burst 
upon  the  Iroquois  at  Ticonderoga,  and, 
armed  with  sticks  that  spoke  with  fire  and  spat 
out  unseen  death,  he  put  these  hitherto  invincible 
warriors  to  flight,  to  the  day  when  the  United 
States  was  preparing  to  celebrate  with  unheard- 
of  splendor  the  centennial  of  its  independence, 
a  ceaseless  state  of  war  existed  between  the  chil- 
dren of  the  forest  and  prairie  and  the  pale-faced 
usurpers.  Every  year  had  its  tragedy,  every 
mile  its  white  gravestone  in  history.  And  as  a 
fit  ending  to  these  centuries  of  conflict  and  blood- 
shed came  the  crimson  tragedy  of  the  blotting- 
out  of  Custer  and  his  cavalrymen  in  the  Bad 

[13] 


Lands  of  the  Yellowstone.  Many  notable  trag- 
edies, dramatic  in  execution  as  appalling  in 
effect,  marked  the  long  years,  but  none  struck 
home  to  the  hearts  of  the  American  people  with 
such  searching  directness  and  force  as  the  finale 
to  the  Indian  tragedy,  in  which  Sitting  Bull, 
chief  of  the  Sioux,  and  General  Custer,  one  of 
America's  most  dashing  cavalry  leaders,  played 
the  leading  roles. 

Surely  never  were  such  aborigines  as  the  North 
American  Indian!  Surely  never  in  the  history 
of  the  world  did  the  white  man  encounter  so 
nearly  his  match  as  when  he  first  plunged  into 
the  forests  of  the  New  World.  A  mere  handful 
in  numbers  were  these  red  men  at  the  best,  and 
yet  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  they  were  ever 
subdued.  In  turn  they  met  and  fought  the 
Spaniard,  then  in  all  his  glory,  the  Frenchman, 
the  Englishman  —  long  and  savage  wars  these 
—  and  when  Spaniard,  Frenchman,  and  Eng- 
lishman as  such  disappeared  and  the  American 
took  their  place,  the  Indian  fought  him  more 
fiercely  than  ever.  When  one  thinks  of  the 
white  man's  countless  numbers  and  the  weapons 
which  his  ingenuity  and  handicraft  supplied,  the 
marvel  is  that  the  Indian  has  not  long  since  dis- 
appeared from  the  face  of  the  earth.  But  given 
their  numbers  and  weapons  and  all,  it  has  been 
estimated  that  in  the  wars  which  the  white  man 

[14] 


The  Red  Mans  Last  Victory 

waged  against  the  Indians  they  lost  more  than 
ten  killed  to  the  redskin's  one.  Yet  notwith- 
standing the  skill,  the  craftiness,  the  sensible 
recognition  of  existing  facts,  the  clever  stratagem 
and  resistless  ferocity  which  characterizes  the 
Indian  nature,  the  level-headed  way  in  which 
he  set  about  his  wars,  to  kill  and  not  be  killed 
his  motto :  notwithstanding  all  this,  the  prophecy 
of  the  great  orator  Red  Jacket  has  come  true. 
He  said,  "When  I  am  gone  and  my  warnings 
are  no  longer  heeded,  the  craft  and  avarice  of 
the  white  man  will  prevail.  My  heart  fails  me 
when  I  think  of  my  people  so  soon  to  be  scat- 
tered and  forgotten." 

The  feud  which  began  on  the  Atlantic  coast 
hundreds  of  years  before,  was  destined  to  end  in 
the  far  Northwest,  away  up  in  a  corner  of  the 
United  States  then  almost  wholly  unknown  to 
the  white  man,  an  angle  of  territory  bounded  on 
the  west  by  the  Rockies,  and  on  the  north  by 
what  formerly  was  known  as  Rupert's  Land  — 
British  territory.  The  immediate  cause  of  the 
trouble  which  led  up  to  the  massacre  of  Custer 
and  his  battalion  was  one  which  had  often  before 
provoked  active  hostilities.  It  was  the  refusal 
of  sundry  bands  of  Indians  to  settle  down  on  the 
reservations  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Indians 
by  the  United  States  Government.  The  Indians 
resented  the  attempt  to  confine  them  to  restricted 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXra  Century 

districts.  The  red  man  of  the  prairie  had  been, 
from  time  immemorial,  a  notorious  nomad.  On 
his  lean,  shaggy,  ungainly  pony,  his  bow  and 
quiver  slung  across  his  back,  his  buckskin 
breeches  and  shirt  fringed  with  horsehair  and 
painted  in  gaudy  colors,  his  long,  greasy  black 
hair  stuck  full  of  the  feathers  of  the  turkey,  hawk, 
and  eagle,  he  had  for  centuries  roamed  the  vast 
prairie  at  will:  now  righting  his  hereditary  foe, 
and  again  camping  for  weeks  at  a  time  on  the 
trail  of  the  mighty  herds  of  buffalo  in  their  wan- 
derings over  the  boundless  prairie. 

For  ages  the  chafings  of  restriction  were  un- 
known to  him,  until  freedom  had  become  almost 
as  necessary  to  the  savage  of  the  plains  as  the  air 
itself.  This  he  enjoyed,  until  one  day  the  ad- 
vance guard  of  civilization,  a  grizzly  trapper, 
dressed  in  leather,  and  carrying  a  flintlock  under 
his  arm,  peered  out  of  the  bushes  and  saw  in 
astonishment  the  great  rolling  prairie,  the  home 
of  the  buffalo  and  the  Sioux.  The  hardy  pioneer 
soon  followed,  restless,  and  ever  pressing  west- 
ward; and  one  day,  the  Sioux,  sitting  astride  his 
barebacked  pony,  saw  in  amazement  the  long 
train  of  white-topped  wagons  —  the  prairie 
schooners  —  drawn  by  oxen,  trailing  westward 
through  the  tall  grass,  and  realized  that  his  an- 
cient fastnesses  had  been  invaded.  Immediately 
there  began  massacres  on  the  one  hand  and  re- 

[16] 


The  Red  Mans  Last  Victory 

taliation  on  the  other.  The  Sioux,  the  Bedouins 
of  the  prairie,  were  gradually  driven  back  and 
back. 

During  the  winter  of  1875-6  the  authorities  at 
Washington,  after  every  peaceable  means  had 
been  tried  in  vain,  found  it  necessary  to  sanction 
the  use  of  force  to  compel  certain  refractory 
bands  of  Indians  to  cease  their  wanderings  and 
outrage,  to  place  themselves  under  the  control 
of  the  Indian  officials,  and  to  settle  on  the  res- 
ervations set  aside  for  their  use.  These  recal- 
citrant savages  were  Sioux,  than  whom  there 
were  none  more  warlike  and  cruel,  and  in  their 
raids  they  wandered  over  an  area  of  something 
like  100,000  square  miles  in  the  then  territories 
of  Dakota,  Montana,  and  Wyoming.  There 
were  a  number  of  these  bands  of  "Hostiles," 
each  having  a  chief  of  its  own;  but  as  dissatisfac- 
tion spread  among  them,  all  gradually  centered 
around  two  great  chiefs,  Sitting  Bull  and  Crazy 
Horse.  Sitting  Bull,  at  the  time  hostilities  com- 
menced, was  with  his  band  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Little  Missouri  River  in  Dakota,  and  Crazy 
Horse  and  band  were  camped  on  the  banks  of 
the  Powder  River  in  Wyoming.  The  region 
was  a  wilderness:  rugged,  mountainous,  and 
deeply  scarred  by  rapid  streams  and  small  rivers, 
and,  as  has  been  told,  totally  unknown  to  the 
United  States  soldiers.  As  guides  to  this  un- 

[17] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

familiar  region  and  to  scout  by  the  way,  the 
command  took  with  it  Ree  Indians  under  Bloody 
Knife  Chief,  and  Crows,  led  by  Chief  Half -Yel- 
low Face.  These  Indians  did  the  scouting  well, 
but  the  Rees  took  the  earliest  opportunity  af- 
forded them  to  slip  away  when  righting  began. 

The  first  move  made  against  these  Sioux  was 
on  March  1,  1876.  General  Sheridan,  a  dis- 
tinguished leader  in  the  Civil  War,  was  given 
the  direction  of  the  campaign,  with  headquar- 
ters at  Chicago.  General  Terry  held  the  active 
command  of  the  troops  in  the  disaffected  coun- 
try. Subordinate  to  Terry  were  Generals  Cus- 
ter  and  Crook,  at  the  head  of  mounted  columns. 
Terry  ordered  these  leaders  to  move  out  against 
the  "  Hostiles,"  specifying  the  route  each  was  to 
take.  Crook  marched  on  March  1,  and  on 
March  17  encountered  Crazy  Horse  and  his 
braves,  and  the  command  was  so  severely  handled 
in  the  engagement  that  Crook  fell  back  to  his 
base.  Custer  had  been  unable  to  make  a  simul- 
taneous advance  with  Crook,  owing  to  the 
weather  being  so  bad  that  it  was  found  impos- 
sible to  venture  into  the  region  of  heavy  snows 
and  swollen  rivers. 

The  news  of  Crook's  defeat  spread  like  wild- 
fire among  the  Indian  agencies.  Couriers  sped 
from  the  camps  of  Crazy  Horse  and  Sitting  Bull. 
To  every  Indian  encampment  in  that  part  of  the 

[18] 


The  Red  Mans  Last  Victory 

States  one  or  more  messengers  came,  and  squat- 
ting on  the  hardened  earth  of  some  smoky  tepee, 
to  the  listening  braves  told  of  the  killing  of  the 
paleface  and  the  triumph  of  the  red,  and  before 
he  had  finished  his  tale,  wigwams  were  struck 
and  loaded  to  the  patient  ponies,  the  squaws 
strapped  their  papooses  to  their  backs,  and  the 
warriors,  with  faces  painted  in  ghastly  and  fan- 
tastical streaks,  danced  the  war-dance,  snatched 
up  their  rifles,  and,  mounting  their  ponies,  set  out 
to  take  part  in  reaping  the  harvest  of  scalps. 

The  defeat  of  Crook  made  a  long  war  inevita- 
ble. General  Sheridan  reinforced  the  troops 
in  the  disaffected  region,  and  remodeled  his 
plan  of  campaign.  The  troops  were  formed 
into  three  columns  instead  of  two;  and  as  soon 
as  the  weather  moderated,  so  as  to  admit  of 
favorable  progress,  all  set  out  to  trap  the  Indians. 
The  three  columns  were  commanded  respectively 
by  Generals  Terry,  Crook,  and  Gibbon.  Custer 
would  have  led  in  place  of  Terry,  had  it  not  been 
that  just  before  the  setting  out  of  the  expedition 
he  fell  from  the  good  graces  of  President  Grant. 
Indeed,  so  displeased  was  Grant  with  Custer, 
that  he  sent  definite  instructions  that  Custer  was 
not  to  be  allowed  to  accompany  the  expedition; 
and  it  was  only  after  a  personal  appeal  to  Grant 
by  Custer,  and  the  intercession  of  Sheridan,  that 
the  famous  cavalry  leader  was  allowed  to  take 

[19] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

his  place  at  the  head  of  his  regiment  and  march 
away,  never  to  return. 

On  May  17  the  column  marched  from  Fort 
Abraham  Lincoln,  on  the  Missouri  River,  and 
proceeding  by  easy  stages  crossed  the  Little 
Missouri  River  on  May  31,  and  camped  on  the 
banks  of  the  Powder,  a  tributary  of  the  Yellow- 
stone. The  Seventh  Cavalry  was  divided  into 
two  columns,  commanded  by  Major  Reno  and 
Captain  Benteen.  As  the  Indian  country  had 
now  been  reached,  on  June  10,  General  Terry 
sent  Major  Reno  with  his  command  (six  troops) 
to  scout  up  the  Powder,  and  General  Custer, 
with  the  left  wing  of  the  Seventh,  marched  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Tongue  and  there  awaited  Reno's 
return.  The  major  reached  Custer's  camp  on 
the  19th,  and  reported  plenty  of  Indian  "signs" 
leading  up  the  banks  of  the  Rosebud.  The 
whole  command  set  out  at  once  for  that  stream 
and  pitched  tents  at  its  mouth  on  June  21,  and 
made  ready  for  immediate  active  operations. 
It  was  arranged  that  the  Seventh  United  States 
Cavalry,  commanded  in  person  by  General 
Custer,  should  set  out  on  the  trail  Major  Reno 
had  discovered,  overtake  the  Indians,  corner 
them,  and  bring  about  a  fight.  This  they  did. 

With  truly  Anglo-Saxon  superiority  the  gener- 
als wofully  under-estimated  the  fighting  strength 
of  the  foe.  General  Custer,  with  his  seven  hun- 

[20] 


The  Red  Mans  Last  Victory 

dred  cavalrymen,  believed  he  would  be  able  to 
cope  with  more  savages  than  he  was  likely  to 
have  the  good  fortune  to  meet,  and  his  brother 
generals  were  under  the  same  impression.  They 
found  out  their  mistake  when  too  late. 

Sitting  Bull,  chief  of  a  band  of  Uncpapa  Sioux 
Indians,  was  at  this  time  forty-two  years  old. 
A  great,  squatty,  hulking,  low-browed  savage, 
of  forbidding  looks  and  enormous  strength,  and 
in  height  as  near  as  might  be  to  five  feet  eight 
inches.  He  had  the  reputation  among  his  own 
followers,  as  well  as  the  warriors  of  other  bands, 
of  being  a  Medicine-man  of  mark,  a  dealer  in 
omens,  a  conjurer  of  demons,  a  weaver  of  magic, 
a  foreteller  of  dire  events,  and  a  familiar  of  de- 
parted spirits.  Outside  of  his  magic  he  was 
known  as  a  coward,  but  this  defect  they  over- 
looked in  the  belief  that  his  soothsayings  fully 
compensated  for  the  deficiency  in  his  personal 
valor.  Their  faith  in  his  incantations  was  un- 
bounded. In  the  fight  of  the  Little  Big  Horn, 
Sitting  Bull  divided  his  energies  between  getting 
as  far  from  the  scene  of  strife  as  his  fat  legs 
would  carry  him,  and  performing  fanatical  rites 
to  the  confounding  of  the  white  man.  The 
actual  leaders  in  the  fight  were  Crazy  Horse, 
Gall,  and  Crow  King;  and  in  a  lesser  degree, 
Low  Dog,  Big  Road,  Hump,  Spotted  Eagle, 
and  Little  Horse,  all  chiefs  of  bands  and  men  of 

[21] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

ability  and  unflinching  personal  courage.  These 
superintended  the  movements  of  the  "  Hostiles," 
and  by  their  personal  feats  of  daring  encouraged 
their  followers,  while  Sitting  Bull  looked  after 
the  Fates. 

At  noon  on  June  22  Custer  and  his  men  set 
out  for  the  wilderness.  Warnings  and  omens 
do  not  seem  to  have  been  confined  to  the  wigwam 
of  the  red  man,  for  on  the  fatal  march  to  the 
Little  Big  Horn  there  were  many  that  foretold 
disaster  to  the  expedition. 

Captain  Godfrey,  who  marched  with  the  col- 
umns, in  his  written  account  of  the  calamitous 
affair,  mentions  many  incidents  which  were 
taken  to  point  to  disaster.  He  tells,  for  instance, 
that  on  the  evening  of  the  first  day  of  their  march 
Custer  sent  for  his  officers. 

After  a  "talk,"  Lieutenant  Wallace  said  to 
Godfrey,  as  they  walked  away  from  the  general's 
tent,  "  Godfrey,  I  believe  General  Custer  is  go- 
ing to  be  killed."  Asked  his  reasons  for  this 
belief,  he  simply  answered :  "  I  have  never  heard 
Custer  speak  in  that  way  before." 

A  little  later  in  the  evening  Captain  Godfrey 
came  upon  a  camp-fire,  around  which  sat  Bloody 
Knife,  Half- Yellow-Face,  and  the  interpreter 
Bouyer.  The  half-breed  asked  the  captain  if 
he  had  ever  fought  against  the  Sioux.  Answered 
in  the  affirmative,  the  interpreter  gazed  into  the 

[22] 


The  Red  Mans  Last  Victory 

fire  for  a  few  moments  before  saying  emphati- 
cally,  "I  can  tell  you  we  are  going  to  have  a 
-  big  fight." 

Then  again  an  ominous  thing  happened.  The 
general's  headquarters  flag  was  blown  down  and 
fell  to  the  rear,  and  in  being  replanted  again  fell 
to  the  rear. 

These  and  many  other  eerie  happenings  seem 
to  have  sent  a  thrill  of  foreboding  through  the 
whole  command  as  it  went  on  its  way  to  the  un- 
explored valley  of  the  Little  Big  Horn.  In  their 
tents,  when  night  had  fallen  and  the  fires  were 
out  —  for  on  this  march  no  fire  burned  and 
nothing  was  done  likely  to  attract  the  eye  of  any 
Indian  who  might  happen  to  be  roaming  about 
in  the  vicinity  —  the  men  sat  in  the  dark  and 
told  stories  of  scalpings  and  burnings  at  the 
stake.  Even  the  red  scouts  caught  the  prevail- 
ing current  of  premonition  and  hastened  to  their 
Medicine-man  to  be  anointed  as  a  charm  against 
the  cruelty  of  the  dreaded  Sioux. 

During  the  march  up  the  Rosebud,  Indian 
"  signs  "  were  met  with  at  every  turn.  Camping- 
place  after  camping-place  was  found.  The 
grass  had  been  closely  cropped  by  herds  of 
ponies;  the  ashes  of  a  hundred  camp-fires  lay 
gray  on  the  bare  ground.  On  June  24  the  col- 
umn passed  a  great  camping-place,  the  gaunt 
frame  of  a  huge  sundance-lodge  still  standing, 

[23] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXra  Century 

and  against  one  of  the  posts  the  scalp  of  a  white 
man  fluttered  in  the  wind. 

Soon  after  this  the  Crow  scouts,  who  had  been 
working  energetically,  returned  to  the  camp  and 
reported  to  Custer  that  although  they  had  come 
across  no  Sioux,  still,  from  indications  discov- 
ered, they  felt  sure  that  the  command  was  in  the 
neighborhood  of  an  encampment.  That  night 
the  column  was  divided  into  two,  so  as  to  raise 
as  little  dust  as  possible,  and  made  a  forced 
march ;  and  on  the  morning  of  June  25,  Custer, 
in  a  personal  reconnoitre,  discovered  the  foe  of 
which  he  was  in  search.  Although  he  found 
himself  unable  to  locate  the  actual  village,  he 
saw  great  herds  of  ponies,  saw  the  smoke  curling 
up  in  the  air  of  morning,  and  heard  the  barking 
of  the  dogs,  denoting  the  presence  of  a  village 
behind  a  hill  that  lay  in  front  of  him.  It  had 
been  Custer' s  intention  to  remain  quietly  where 
his  command  rested  until  night  fell,  when  he 
would  advance  his  forces,  and  in  the  gray  of 
morning  sweep  down  upon  the  Sioux.  But  this 
plan  miscarried.  Word  reached  the  leader  that 
a  Sioux  Indian  had  discovered  the  presence  of 
the  United  States  troops  and  had  galloped  off 
to  warn  the  tribe.  Custer  resolved  to  attack 
at  once. 

The  command  set  out  for  Sitting  Bull's  village 
shortly  before  noon.     It  was  divided  into  three 

[24] 


The  Red  Mans  Last  Victory 

battalions -- Major  Reno  commanding  the  ad- 
vance, General  Custer  following  with  the  second, 
and  Captain  Benteen  the  third,  the  pack  train 
being  under  the  charge  of  Lieutenant  Mathey. 

The  whole  command  marched  down  a  valley 
for  some  distance  and  then  separated,  intending 
to  strike  the  village  at  different  points.  Ouster's 
battalion  took  to  the  right  to  cross  the  hills  and 
ride  down  upon  the  encampment,  and  Major 
Reno  branched  off  to  the  left  and  forded  the  Little 
Big  Horn  —  a  stream  that  gives  the  battle  its 
name  —  at  the  mouth  of  a  stream  now  called 
Benteen's  Creek.  As  they  were  separating, 
Custer  sent  an  order  to  Reno  to  ' '  move  forward 
at  as  rapid  gait  as  he  thought  prudent,  and 
charge  the  village  afterwards,  and  the  whole 
outfit  would  support  him." 

After  separation  the  only  word  received  from 
Custer  was  an  order  signed  by  the  adjutant,  and 
addressed  to  Captain  Benteen,  which  read: 
"Benteen,  come  on.  Big  village.  Be  quick. 
Bring  packs";  and  a  postscript,  "Bring  packs." 
About  the  time  this  message  must  have  been 
despatched,  those  with  Reno  beheld  the  general 
and  his  men  on  top  of  a  hill  two  miles  or  more 
away,  looking  down  upon  the  village,  and  saw 
Custer  take  off  his  hat  and  wave  it  in  the  air,  as 
if  either  beckoning  the  other  battalions  to  his 
assistance  or  cheering  his  men. 

[25] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

The  battalion  disappeared  over  the  brow  of 
the  hill,  and  after  that  no  word  or  sign  ever  came 
from  Custer  or  anyone  of  his  whole  command. 
Not  a  man  of  the  hundreds  that  followed  the 
general  in  the  charge  lived  to  tell  the  tale.  The 
battalion  was  simply  wiped  out  of  existence. 
In  after  years,  some  of  the  Indians  who  took  part 
in  the  massacre,  laying  aside  their  inbred  taci- 
turnity, consented  to  show  a  few  United  States 
officers  over  the  field  and  explain  what  had  hap- 
pened and  how  it  had  happened;  but  beyond 
these  meagre  reports,  and  the  position  in  which 
the  bodies  of  the  soldiers  were  found  after  the 
Indians  had  finished  with  their  rejoicings  and 
the  mutilations  of  the  dead,  nothing  is  known  of 
Ouster's  last  charge.  But  those  acquainted 
with  Custer  and  with  Indian  fighting  are  able  to 
picture  the  scene. 

When  Custer  reached  the  top  of  the  hill,  in- 
stead of  a  village  of  some  eight  hundred  or  one 
thousand  warriors,  he  saw  beneath  him  a  veri- 
table city  of  wigwams  spread  out  in  the  valley. 
The  smoke  from  the  fires  clouded  the  sky,  great 
herds  of  ponies  cropped  the  grass  as  far  as  the 
eye  could  see,  thousands  of  painted  Sioux,  armed, 
and  astride  their  shaggy  ponies,  galloped  in 
circles,  working  themselves  into  a  frenzy  of  fury 
to  fight  the  white  man.  Medicine-men  danced 
and  yelled  their  incantations,  and  squaws  busily 

[26] 


The  Red  Man's  Last  Victory 

struck  the  tents  and  hurried  their  papooses  and 
swarms  of  dusky  children  out  of  harm's  way. 
When  this  scene  of  angry  life  met  his  gaze,  Gen- 
eral Custer,  old  Indian  fighter  that  he  was,  must 
have  recognized  that  he  was  in  for  what  seemed 
likely  to  be  his  last  fight.  But  the  mistake  had 
been  made.  The  time  had  passed  for  new  plans 
of  battle.  He  could  not  turn  his  back  on  the 
warriors  to  join  his  battalion  with  the  others,  for 
already  the  painted  bucks  were  circling  round 
him  and  firing  into  his  ranks,  and  already,  in  all 
probability,  he  heard  the  crack  of  rifles  to  his 
left,  telling  him  that  the  Indians  were  upon  Reno. 
Hemmed  in,  retreat  out  of  the  question,  and 
trusting  that  his  other  battalions  would  hurry  to 
his  support,  he  called  to  his  men,  and  together 
they  plunged  into  the  shrieking,  shouting,  seeth- 
ing mass  of  painted  and  befeathered  red  men  — 
and  died. 

Reno  acted  differently.  Whether  or  no  he  car- 
ried caution  to  an  unjustifiable  length  is  a  ques- 
tion that  has  been  fiercely  discussed,  at  least, 
some  of  the  officers  who  were  with  him  being  his 
greatest  denouncers.  So  bitter  were  the  charges 
made  against  him  that  a  Government  inquiry 
was  instituted,  and,  it  is  only  right  to  say,  it 
exonerated  him  from  blame. 

Reno's  battalion  struck  the  Indians  shortly 
after  crossing  the  Little  Big  Horn,  and  the  Ree 

[27] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXra  Century 

scouts  at  once  made  for  the  rear  to  be  out  of  dan- 
ger. When  the  Sioux  Indians  appeared  in  con- 
siderable force  on  his  front,  instead  of  charging 
the  village  as  Custer  had  ordered,  Reno  dis- 
mounted his  troops  to  fight  on  foot,  and  taking 
advantage  of  timber  he  remained  stationary  for 
some  long  time  in  almost  absolute  security. 
Later  he  ordered  a  retreat  to  the  Bluffs,  and 
while  executing  this  order,  and  in  the  preceding 
skirmishes,  Lieutenants  Mclntosh  and  Hodgson, 
Dr.  De  Wolf,  and  twenty-nine  men  and  scouts 
were  killed. 

Soon  after  reaching  the  Bluffs  Captain  Ben- 
teen's  battalion  joined  Reno,  placing  the  latter 
in  command  of  a  larger  force  than  Custer  had 
with  him;  but  notwithstanding  this,  no  active 
measures  were  adopted,  the  two  battalions  stand- 
ing nerveless  and  inactive,  listening  to  heavy 
firing  and  much  ominous  noise  in  the  direction 
of  the  village,  where  Custer  was  engaged  in  his 
death-struggle.  True,  an  advance  was  made 
to  a  hill  —  the  hill  from  which  earlier  in  the  day 
Custer  had  been  seen  to  wave  his  hat.  From 
the  top  of  this  elevation  could  be  seen  a  great 
commotion  in  the  valley,  much  riding  and  shout- 
ing and  firing;  but  still  Reno  and  his  men  were 
not  near  enough  to  the  spot  to  make  out  what  it 
was  all  about.  The  officers  with  field-glasses 
tried  their  best  to  find  out  where  Custer  and  his 

[28] 


The  Red  Man's  Last  Victory 

battalion  were,  but,  of  course,  this  was  impos- 
sible, for  by  this  time  every  man,  with  Custer, 
had  been  slain. 

Chief  Gall  afterwards  said  that  the  news  of 
the  two  columns  of  troops  advancing  against  the 
village  struck  consternation  to  the  heart  of  the 
Indians,  but  when  Reno  was  seen  to  dismount 
and  remain  stationary,  they  were  glad,  for  it  al- 
lowed the  whole  Indian  force  to  be  hurled  against 
Custer.  Him  out  of  the  way,  they  concentrated 
against  Reno.  When  this  latter  movement  took 
place  Reno  retreated  again  to  the  Bluffs,  where 
close  to  the  river  he  picked  upon  a  strong  posi- 
tion and  successfully  withstood  a  heavy  fire  all 
the  afternoon.  Darkness  came  down,  and  the 
troops  spent  an  anxious  night  intrenching  them- 
selves, and  wondering  what  had  happened  to 
their  companions  with  Custer,  but  knowing 
nothing  except  that  the  general  must  have  been 
defeated. 

Lying  under  the  stars,  surrounded  by  the 
"  Hostiles,"  they  passed  a  night  of  restlessness 
and  alarm.  The  sky  was  aglare  with  light  from 
the  bonfires;  the  silence  of  the  night  pierced  by 
many  strange  cries  of  exultation  and  hate,  by 
shots,  and  the  monotonous  beating  of  the  tom- 
tom for  the  scalp-dance.  At  times  a  nervous 
man  would  spring  from  -his  bivouac  on  the  earth 

[29] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

to  shout  that  he  heard  the  march  of  approaching 
relief,  and  bugles  rang  out  a  welcome  that  was 
only  answered  by  the  echoes  from  the  hills. 

When  morning  dawned  the  Sioux  opened  fire, 
and  the  day  which  followed  was  one  of  fevered 
sorties  and  galling  waiting.  On  the  stronghold 
that  day  Reno's  men  lost  eighteen  killed  and  had 
fifty-two  wounded,  and  they  spent  a  second 
anxious  night.  But  on  the  morning  of  June  27 
General  Terry  raised  the  siege  and  rode  into 
camp.  Terry,  in  his  journey,  had  come  across 
more  than  a  hundred  dead,  and  that  an  awful 
tragedy  had  been  enacted  he  knew.  But  he  did 
not  know  the  full  extent  of  the  slaughter.  On 
the  28th  the  army  marched  to  the  battlefield  of 
the  Little  Big  Horn.  Scattered  on  the  slope  of 
the  hill  they  found  212  dead.  General  Custer, 
his  brother  —  Captain  T.  W.  Custer  —  Cap- 
tains Keogh  and  Yates,  Lieutenants  Cook,  Crit- 
tenden,  Reily,  Calhoun,  Smith,  and  other  officers 
of  their  men  were  found,  each  scalped  and  muti- 
lated except  Custer  himself.  He  lay  apparently 
as  he  had  fallen,  the  Indians  refraining  from 
wreaking  vengeance  on  the  leader,  who  was  well 
known  to  Sitting  Bull  and  others  of  the  chiefs. 
The  bodies  of  Lieutenants  Porter,  Harrington, 
and  Sturgis,  and  Dr.  Lord,  were  never  found. 

The  killed  of  the  entire  command  was  two 

[30] 


The  Red  Mans  Last  Victory 

hundred  sixty-five,  and  the  slaying  of  Custer  and 
his  men  was  the  crimson  spot  of  the  first  Centen- 
nial Year  of  the  United  States. 

It  is  also  rendered  memorable  as  being  the 
last  great  victory  the  red  man  achieved  over  the 
white. 


[SI] 


II 

The  Storming  of  Kars 

17-18  November,  1877 
By  MAJOR  ARTHUR  GRIFFITHS 

KARS  has  the  reputation  of  being  one  of 
the  strongest  fortresses  in  the  world. 
In  the  old  Crimean  days  it  stood  a  six 
months'  siege:  gallant  Fenwick  Williams,  an 
English  artillery  officer,  with  a  garrison  of  de- 
voted Turks,  made  an  heroic  resistance  in  it 
against  superior  numbers,  and  yielded  only  to 
famine  in  the  end.  At  the  peace  Kars  reverted 
to  Turkey,  who  spared  no  pains  to  restore  its  de- 
fences and  make  it  as  nearly  as  possible  impreg- 
nable. It  was  surrounded  with  new  fortifica- 
tions, built  for  the  most  part  on  the  ancient  sites; 
they  were  constructed  under  the  skilful  direction 
of  the  first  military  engineers,  and  armed  with 
powerful  artillery.  When,  in  1877,  Russia  once 
more  came  to  blows  with  her  traditional  foe, 
Kars  became  again  the  scene  of  furious  conflict; 
its  possession  was  hotly  contested,  but  it  was 
finally  won  by  almost  unexampled  bravery  in 
the  teeth  of  a  no  less  stubborn  defence, 

The  early  days  of  the  winter  of  1877  were  at 


The  Storming  of  Kars 

hand  when  the  Russians  closed  down  on  Kars. 
The  Turkish  arms  had  but  recently  met  with 
serious  reverses  in  Armenia;  Moukhtar  Pacha, 
the  Turkish  generalissimo,  had  been  badly 
beaten  in  a  great  battle,  —  that  of  Aladjh  Dagh, 
—  and  his  army,  which  had  hitherto  covered 
Kars,  was  almost  destroyed:  only  a  wretched 
remnant  of  panic-stricken  fugitives  took  refuge 
in  the  mountains  about  Erzeroum,  where  Moukh- 
tar speedily  followed  to  reorganize  his  shattered 
forces.  Another  general  (Hussein  Pacha)  was 
left  with  a  garrison  of  twenty-four  thousand  to 
defend  Kars.  It  was  hoped  that  the  great  for- 
tress would  long  hold  out.  It  was  so  strongly 
fortified,  so  well  armed,  so  amply  provisioned, 
that  a  protracted  siege  seemed  inevitable.  The 
Turks,  moreover,  were  excellent  soldiers,  es- 
pecially good  and  brave  behind  fortifications. 
At  that  very  moment  Plevna,  an  improvised 
fortress  just  south  of  the  Danube,  was  still  defy- 
ing the  most  strenuous  efforts  of  the  Russians  to 
take  it.  Kars  had  many  superior  advantages 
as  a  place  of  arms. 

The  Russians  were,  however,  resolved  to  cap- 
ture Kars,  and  soon,  if  they  could.  They 
wanted  it  badly.  Its  fall  would  make  the  Rus- 
sian communications  safe  where  at  present  they 
were  insecure;  from  Kars  they  could  best  pro- 
ceed against  Erzeroum,  and  pave  the  way  to 

[33] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

complete  mastery  in  Armenia.  But  to  want  a 
thing  is  not  necessarily  to  get  it,  especially  in 
war.  Kars  must  be  taken  —  granted;  the  point 
was  how  to  do  it. 

Now,  there  is  more  than  one  way  of  reducing 
or  getting  possession  of  a  fortress.  It  can  be 
"  invested"  -  surrounded  on  all  sides,  that  is  to 
say,  cut  off  from  outside  relief  or  support,  and 
starved  into  surrender;  or  it  may  be  besieged  in 
due  form,  with  regular  "approaches,"  trenches 
and  saps  pushed  up  nearer  and  nearer,  and  with 
breaching  batteries  of  heavy  artillery,  which 
after  repeated  bombardments  open  the  road  to 
assault;  or,  last  of  all,  it  may  be  carried  by  a 
coup-de-main  —  one  great  vigorous  blow,  de- 
livered without  delay  or  hesitation,  which,  if 
successful,  settles  the  matter  at  once  and  out  of 
hand.  Which  was  it  to  be  with  Kars  ? 

This  was  the  problem  which  confronted  the 
Russian  generals,  and  which  could  only  be 
solved  after  anxious  consideration  of  all  the  pros 
and  cons.  Investment  is  a  slow,  often  very 
tedious,  game;  in  the  present  case  it  was  both 
doubtful  and  dangerous,  for  the  cold  weather  was 
at  hand,  and  the  winters  are  so  severe  in  Ar- 
menia that  the  besieging  troops  must  inevitably 
endure  great  hardships  and  privations.  Nor 
was  the  process  of  investment  certain  to  lead  to 
capture.  The  garrison,  after  holding  their  as- 

[34] 


The  Storming  of  Kars 

sailants  at  bay  for  six  months  or  more  (and  they 
had  provisions  for  quite  that  time),  after  per- 
petually harassing  them  by  sortie  and  counter 
attack,  might  beat  them  off  in  the  end.  The 
same  objections  applied  to  the  regular  siege:  the 
Turks  could  meet  the  Russians  with  300  guns, 
heavy  artillery,  admirably  posted,  and  with  a 
garrison  sufficient  to  man  the  whole  length  of 
their  defenses.  The  siege  might  become  a  long 
duel,  in  which  the  advantage  would  not  neces- 
sarily be  with  the  besiegers. 

There  remained  only  the  boldest,  the  most 
hazardous,  probably  the  most  costly  in  human 
lives,  but  still  the  most  profitable  if  successful 
-  the  method  of  immediate  open  assault.  Kars 
might  perhaps  be  carried  by  storm,  if  only  the 
enterprise  was  undertaken  on  a  proper  scale,  if 
the  attack  was  planned  with  judgment  and  at- 
tempted in  adequate  strength.  This  was  the 
course  which  the  Russian  generals  adopted. 
They  resolved  to  go  in  and  win ;  to  capture  Kars, 
or  at  least  to  make  a  bold  attempt  at  capture  by 
sheer  force  and  weight  of  arms. 

To  understand  what  follows,  a  brief  descrip- 
tion of  the  whole  fortress,  as  it  then  stood,  is  in- 
dispensable. 

Kars  was  rather  a  series  of  fortified  works 
than  a  single  fortress.  The  actual  city  was  only 
defended  by  a  citadel,  perched  high  above  it  on 

[35] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

a  tall,  straight  rock,  and  by  an  ancient  wall  built 
by  the  Turks  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  now 
half  in  ruins.  The  strength  of  the  place  was  in 
its  twelve  detached  forts,  planted  at  points  of 
vantage  and  surrounding  it  entirely.  These 
forts  may  be  classed  in  four  groups,  viz.  —  taking 
them  according  to  the  points  of  the  compass  — 
those  to  the  northeast,  southeast,  west,  and 
northwest  of  the  town. 

(1)  To  the  northeast  were  Forts  Arab  and 
Karadagh,  both  on  the  high  rocky  ground  known 
as  the  Karadagh,  or  Black  Mountain,  built  on 
the  bare  rock,  but  faced  with  earth,  which  had 
been  carried  up  by  hand  for  the  purpose.   These 
forts  had  no  ditches;  the  first  was  closed  at  the 
rear  by  a  stone  barrack,  the  second  was  to  have 
been  similarly  defended,  but  the  war  broke  out 
before  the  work  was  completed. 

(2)  To  the  southeast  of  the  town  the  country 
was  an  open  plain,  and  as  such  more  easily  ac- 
cessible.    So   it  was   defended  by  two   of  the 
strongest  forts,  known  respectively  as  Fort  Hafiz 
and  Fort  Kanly:  the  first  was  a  square  redoubt, 
or  fort  closed  on  all  sides,  that  nearest  the  town 
consisting  of  a  casemated  barrack  of  three  stories; 
the  second  consisted  really  of  two  small  redoubts, 
also   square,    supporting   each  other,  also  with 
a  barrack   at  the   end.     There  were,   besides, 
Forts  Souvari    and   Tchini,    much  simpler    as 

[36] 


The  Storming  of  Kars 

fortifications,  but  adding  to  the  strength  of  this 
side. 

(3)  To  the  westward,  where  the  ground  again 
rose  and  became  mountainous  (it  was  called  the 
Shorak  Mountain),  there  were  three  forts,  known 
as  Tekman,  Tek  Tepasse,  and  Laze  Tepasse,  all 
placed  on  commanding  points,  and  well  armed 
with  batteries. 

(4)  And,  lastly,  on  the  Tchanak  Mountain,  to 
the  northwest,  there  were  three  more  forts  — 
Forts  Mouklis,  Inglis,  and  Veli  Pacha,  the  last- 
named  being  the  strongest  of  the  three. 

It  must  be  obvious  that  Kars,  thus  defended, 
was  a  hard  nut  for  the  Russians  to  crack.  These 
twelve  forts  were  nearly  all  well  placed:  they 
were  at  such  distances  from  each  other  that  they 
could  afford  mutual  support  in  case  of  attack, 
and  their  rocky  sites  forbade  all  idea  of  under- 
mining them.  On  the  other  hand,  they  were  a 
source  of  weakness  to  the  town,  being  so  near  it 
that  its  bombardment  was  possible  by  the  enemy 
thus  permitted  to  come  within  range.  They 
were  unprovided  with  magazines  or  storehouses; 
they  were  short  of  water,  all  of  which  had  to  be 
dragged  up  from  the  river;  they  had  no  ditches 
round  them,  and  their  fronts  or  sides  were  unde- 
fended by  flanking  fire,  which,  moreover,  when 
damaged  by  the  enemy's  batteries,  could  not  be 
quickly  repaired  for  want  of  earth  in  the  prevail- 

[37] 


ing  rockiness  of  the  soil.  But  the  crowning  de- 
fect in  the  whole  system  of  defence  was  that  it 
was  cut  into  two  parts :  one  set  of  forts  lay  on  the 
west  side  of  the  river,  the  other  on  the  east,  and 
the  river  itself,  running  in  a  deep  gorge,  com- 
pletely separated  them. 

The  actual  condition  of  the  defences  of  Kars, 
the  numbers  of  the  garrison,  strength  of  artillery, 
the  amount  of  ammunition  and  supplies,  was 
fully  revealed  to  the  Russians  by  spies  and  de- 
serters; any  further  knowledge  required  was  ob- 
tained by  careful  reconnaissances.  By  these 
means  the  best  line  of  attack  was  arrived  at,  and 
it  was  decided  to  make  the  first  principal  effort 
against  the  three  forts  upon  the  plain  to  the 
southeast  of  the  town.  The  approach  was 
easiest  in  this  direction,  and  hereabouts  the 
Turks  kept  all  their  depots  and  stores  of  provi- 
sions. At  the  same  time,  while  the  chief  attack 
was  in  progress,  demonstrations  were  to  be  made 
at  other  points,  mainly  to  distract  the  enemy's 
attention;  but  these  other  movements  were  to  be 
pushed  forward  and  developed  into  real  attacks 
if  there  was  any  promise  of  substantial  advan- 
tage therefrom. 

Hardly  second  in  importance  to  the  place  was 
the  time  fixed  for  attack.  If  made  during  the 
day,  it  would  undoubtedly  entail  enormous 
losses.  The  Turkish  forts  and  trenches  covered 

[38] 


The  Storming  of  Kars 

a  wide  extent  of  front;  the  fire  they  could  bring 
to  bear,  both  with  cannon  and  small  arms,  would 
certainly  be  intense  and  deadly.  It  would  begin 
at  long  range  —  for  they  had  excellent  weapons 
-  and,  so  to  speak,  scorch  up  the  ground  of  ap- 
proach, which  was  altogether  without  cover  or 
shelter  for  troops  advancing  in  broad  daylight. 
Worse  than  this,  the  precise  movements  of  the 
attacking  columns  would  be  betrayed.  Many  of 
the  Turkish  forts  stood  on  such  high  ground  that 
they  could  see  and  search  out  everything  in  the 
plains  below.  So  feints  and  false  attacks  would 
be  useless,  and  the  Turkish  commander,  having 
penetrated  the  real  design,  could  concentrate  in 
sufficient,  perhaps  in  overwhelming,  force  to 
meet  it  at  the  points  threatened. 

A  night  attack  was  the  inevitable  conclusion. 
The  storming  must  be  made  in  the  dark,  and  yet 
not  in  complete  darkness;  for  that  would  cer- 
tainly cause  confusion,  and  probably  entail 
disaster.  There  must  be  light  enough  to  direct 
movements  near  at  hand,  and  yet  not  so  much 
light  as  to  betray  them  from  a  distance. 

This  could  only  be  attained  when  the  moon 
was  at  the  full ;  so,  although  a  prompt  attack  was 
decided  upon,  the  actual  date  was  governed  by 
the  almanac,  and  the  day,  or  rather  night,  fixed 
was  the  15th  of  November.  It  was  delayed 
two  nights  later  by  cloudy  weather  and  a 

[39] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

heavy  snowstorm,  which  impeded  the  opera- 
tions. Profound  secrecy  was  observed  on  the 
part  of  the  Russians,  for  a  first  element  of  success 
in  the  attack  was  that  it  should  be  a  surprise. 
So  well  did  they  keep  their  own  counsel,  that 
even  on  the  afternoon  of  the  17th,  when  the 
orders  and  instructions  were  actually  drafted  for 
the  forward  movement  a  few  hours  later,  Russian 
officers  in  conversation  with  some  of  the  war 
correspondents  declared  that  nothing  like  an 
assault  was  contemplated.  The  Turks  were 
themselves  absolutely  deceived.  So  little  did 
they  anticipate  what  was  so  near  at  hand,  that 
they  kept  two-thirds  of  their  whole  strength  on 
the  western  side  of  the  river  —  that  most  remote 
from  the  point  at  which  the  attack  was  imminent. 
It  must  be  said  in  excuse  for  them  that  in  the 
former  siege  of  Kars,  under  General  Mouravieff, 
this  side  was  that  on  which  the  great  assault  had 
been  made. 

The  Russian  commander-in-chief  was  the 
Grand  Duke  Michael,  a  brother  of  the  Czar 
Alexander,  but  the  real  head  of  the  army  —  the 
life  and  soul,  the  active  leading  spirit  —  was 
General  Loris  Melikoff ,  a  soldier  of  high  repute 
who  had  already  earned  distinction  in  this  war. 
It  was  he,  practically,  who  made  the  arrange- 
ments, and  his  orders  were  to  the  following 
effect : 

[40] 


The  Storming  of  Kars 

Five  columns  were  to  attack,  two  only  to 
demonstrate:  the  two  columns  of  demonstration 
were  to  appear  to  attack  the  most  northern  and 
the  eastern  forts.  These  movements  were  to 
be  mere  feints  unless  they  made  rapid  and  easy 
impression,  in  which  case  they  were  to  be  pressed 
home. 

Each  of  the  five  attacking  columns,  except  the 
second,  was  accompanied  with  guns;  with  each 
also  marched  detachments  of  engineers  carrying 
scaling-ladders,  dynamite  cartridges  to  blow  in 
gates  and  obstacles;  gunners  also  accompanied 
the  columns  to  spike  or  dismount  guns.  The 
Russian  cavalry  was  distributed  in  three  posi- 
tions, to  watch  the  various  roads  approaching 
Kars  from  the  north,  the  west,  and  Erzeroum. 

Half-past  eight  was  the  hour  appointed  for 
the  assembly  of  the  troops.  It  was  a  bright, 
clear,  frosty  night,  the  moon  was  at  the  full,  the 
air  bitterly  cold,  and  very  still.  Nothing  was 
heard  as  the  skirmishers  crept  smartly  and  still 
silently  forward;  only  a  few  shots  were  fired  by 
the  Turkish  outposts,  but  as  there  was  no  reply 
silence  again  reigned.  About  nine  P.M.  the  Rus- 
sian guns,  to  draw  off  attention,  began  to  salute 
the  Tekman  fort  considerably  to  the  westward 
of  the  line  of  real  attack.  Half  an  hour  more, 
and  secrecy  or  stratagem  was  no  longer  pos- 
sible. The  murder  was  out;  Melikoff's  men 

[41] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

"rushed"  Fort  Souvari  without  firing  a  shot. 
Its  garrison  was  altogether  unsuspicious  of  the 
impending  danger;  the  Russians  were  over  the 
parapet,  inside,  bayoneting  right  and  left,  spik- 
ing and  dismounting  the  guns,  and  after  a  very 
short  fight  in  full  possession  of  the  place.  Then 
this,  the  second  column  of  the  attack,  streamed 
out  to  the  rear  of  the  fort,  and  hurried  off  to  as- 
sist in  the  capture  of  Fort  Tchini,  the  nearest 
to  them,  but  upon  the  other  side  of  the  river. 

This  Fort  Tchini  was  the  point  to  be  aimed  at 
by  General  Komaroff  with  the  first  attacking 
column.  His  men  had  advanced  at  about  nine 
P.M.  on  hearing  the  noise  of  battle  at  Fort  Sou- 
vari, but  met  with  very  different  fortune.  He 
had  to  cross  very  difficult,  rocky  ground,  and  an 
interchange  of  shots  aroused  the  camp  that  lay 
under  Fort  Tekman,  up  above  his  left,  and 
brought  down  a  host  of  Turks  on  this  his  left 
flank.  Colonel  Boutchkieff,  who  commanded 
the  Russian  attacking  column,  turned  at  once  to 
his  left,  and,  postponing  the  movement  on  Fort 
Tchini,  went  up  against  this  enemy.  He  scaled 
the  heights  successfully,  and  driving  back  the 
Turks  followed  them  close  under  the  defences  of 
Fort  Tekman.  His  column  was  only  of  three 
battalions,  but  without  hesitation  he  went  in  at 
this  strong  redoubt,  hoping  to  carry  it  by  au- 
dacity. But  he  was  met  with  a  murderous  fire, 

[42] 


The  Storming  of  Kars 

musketry  from  three  tiers  of  trenches,  shrap- 
nel shot,  stones,  and  hand  grenades.  Colonel 
Boutchkieff  was  killed,  his  men  were  cruelly 
slaughtered,  and  the  remnant  fell  back  to  the 
river,  to  be  of  no  more  use  that  night. 

Fort  Tchini  was  still  untouched,  and  Koma- 
roff  drew  up  his  reserves  to  form  a  fresh  column 
of  attack;  he  had  one  regiment  only,  backed  by 
four-and-twenty  guns,  and  this  handful  went 
forward  gallantly  to  encounter  a  warm  reception 
and  eventually  reap  disaster.  They  were  nearly 
destroyed  by  direct  and  cross  fire  from  the  neigh- 
boring forts  of  Tekman  and  Veli  Pacha,  but 
held  their  ground  till  long  after  midnight,  then 
fell  back  defeated  behind  the  river.  Nor  had 
Prince  Melikoff,  coming  from  the  Fort  Souvari, 
which  he  carried  so  easily,  any  better  luck  against 
Tchini.  He  had  got  to  the  rear  of  it,  having 
crossed  the  river  by  fords  and  boats,  and  attack- 
ing it  on  that  side  had  taken  the  Turks  com- 
pletely by  surprise.  But  in  leading  on  his  men 
he  was  dangerously  wounded,  and  they  fell  back 
-  to  wait,  in  the  first  place,  for  Komaroff,  who 
never  appeared,  and  then  to  recross  the  river. 
Their  retreat  was  greatly  facilitated,  however, 
by  the  smaller  attack  made  by  Komaroff' s 
reserve,  which  had  failed,  as  has  just  been 
described. 

So  far,  then,  on  this  western  side  the  Russians 

[43] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

had  made  no  sort  of  impression  upon  Kars. 
But  these  attacks  on  Tekman  and  Tchini,  al- 
though unsuccessful,  had  been  indirectly  of  the 
utmost  service,  for  they  occupied  attention,  and 
kept  the  Turkish  troops  employed,  who  would 
otherwise  have  reinforced  the  defenders  of  the 
southern  and  eastern  forts  at  the  point  where,  in 
fact,  the  fate  of  Kars  was  being  decided  all  this 
time.  It  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  third,  fourth,  and 
fifth  columns  of.  assault  to  overcome  resistance 
and  capture  the  stronghold. 

Count  Grabbe  was  entrusted  with  the  attack 
of  the  two  redoubts  known  as  Fort  Kanly,  and 
about  ten  P.M.  his  men  got  close  up  to  them, 
much  harassed  by  the  ground  and  the  enemy's 
fire.  The  right  column  approached  the  eastern, 
or  smaller  redoubt,  and,  climbing  the  parapet, 
effected  a  lodgment,  although  opposed  by  supe- 
rior numbers.  The  left  column,  headed  by 
Count  Grabbe  in  person,  swarmed  around  the 
western  or  main  work,  attacking  it  in  front, 
flank,  and  rear.  Grabbe  was  killed  at  the  crit- 
ical moment  —  shot  dead  by  two  bullets  —  and 
was  succeeded  by  Colonel  Belinsky,  who  later 
was  also  killed.  After  an  hour's  fierce  engage- 
ment —  so  fierce  that  five  hundred  dead  Turks 
were  found  in  this  part  of  the  redoubt  next  day 
—  the  Russians  effected  an  entrance,  and  drove 
the  garrison  back,  but  still  fighting  stubbornly, 

[44] 


The  Storming  of  Kars 

hand  to  hand,  till  they  reached  the  stone  barrack, 
which  closed  the  rear  of  the  fort.  Here  the 
Turks  took  refuge  and  rallied  to  such  good  pur- 
pose that  Belinsky's  men  could  get  no  farther. 
The  barrack  was  protected  with  iron  gates,  and 
the  Russians  tried  in  vain  to  break  them  down; 
then  they  suffered  such  terrible  losses  that  they 
were  compelled  to  retire.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  their  leader,  Belinsky,  met  his  death. 

A  cavalry  charge  made  by  Cossacks,  sent  on 
by  Loris  Melikoff,  renewed  the  attack,  and  once 
more  compelled  the  Turks  to  take  refuge  in  the 
barrack.  At  the  same  time,  General  Loris  Meli- 
koff, finding  that  the  assailants  of  Fort  Kanly 
had  lost  two  leaders  in  succession,  sent  a  third  — 
Colonel  Bulmering  —  to  take  the  chief  command 
and  renew  the  fight.  Bulmering  divided  his 
forces  into  two  portions,  which  were  to  turn  both 
flanks  of  the  fort.  The  left  column  he  com- 
manded in  person,  and  made  such  good  progress 
with  it  that  he  got  to  the  very  edge  of  the  town. 
By  one  A.M.  the  whole  of  the  fort  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  Russians,  with  the  exception  of  the  stone 
barrack,  which  still  held  out  obstinately.  Col- 
onel Bulmering  now  summoned  it  to  surrender, 
threatening  first  to  batter  it  down  with  artillery, 
then  to  destroy  it  with  dynamite.  This  last  was 
an  irresistible  argument,  to  which  the  gallant 
Turk  in  command  —  Daoud  Pacha  —  at  last 

[45] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

succumbed;  but  it  was  already  four  A.M.  before 
he  yielded,  and  by  this  time  the  intrepid  garrison 
of  the  barrack  had  been  reduced  to  barely  three 
hundred  men. 

The  capture  of  Fort  Kanly  was  not,  however, 
the  first  Russian  success  that  night.  It  had 
been  preceded  by  that  of  Fort  Hafiz  and  Fort 
Karadagh.  The  fifth  column  of  assault,  under 
General  Alkhazoff,  had  advanced  in  two  por- 
tions about  nine  P.M.  against  the  first-named, 
which  was  next  to  Fort  Kanly,  on  its  right.  But 
the  right  attacking  party  found  itself  seriously 
incommoded  by  the  fire  from  batteries  at  the 
foot  of  the  Black  Mountain  or  Karadagh,  and 
it  was  resolved  to  get  possession  of  these  before 
attempting  to  storm  Hafiz.  The  Russians  ad- 
vanced with  such  determination  that  they  soon 
took  the  batteries  and  drove  the  Turkish  artil- 
lerymen back  pell-mell  towards  the  fort  of  Kara- 
dagh, on  the  slopes  above.  This  was  one  of  the 
occasions  indicated  by  the  general  orders  for 
attack;  any  unexpected  advantage  was  to  be 
immediately  followed  up  by  a  vigorous  attempt 
to  go  further. 

In  this  way  Fort  Karadagh  fell;  but  only 
through  the  dauntless  energy  of  the  Russian  on- 
slaught. While  some  of  the  assailants  climbed 
up  on  each  other's  shoulders,  and  so  effected  an 
entrance  into  the  redoubt,  others  used  dynamite 

[46] 


The  Storming  of  Kars 

to  blow  down  the  angle  tower,  and  all  with  so 
much  spirit  that  the  Turks  were  driven  back 
into  the  inner  work,  and  from  that  right  out  of 
the  fort,  in  great  disorder.  They  withdrew 
upon  Fort  Arab,  which  was  still  intact,  and  from 
this  point  made  several  courageous  attempts  to 
retake  Fort  Karadagh,  but  altogether  without 
success.  The  Russians  had  got  it,  and  held  it 
for  good  and  all. 

This  was  the  unlooked-for  prize  of  one-half  of 
the  fifth  column.  The  other  half,  moving  to  the 
left,  pursued  the  original  purpose  —  that  of  as- 
saulting Fort  Hafiz.  General  Alkhazoff  led 
this  attack  in  person,  and  struck  at  both  on  the 
direct  front  and  on  the  left  flank  of  the  fort.  The 
Russians  went  up  boldly,  scaling  the  parapet 
and  over  into  the  redoubt,  bayoneting  all  they 
met,  and  forcing  back  the  garrison  into  the  bar- 
rack, which,  like  that  of  Fort  Kanly,  closed  the 
throat  or  entrance  of  the  fort.  But  this  barrack 
was  in  no  condition  to  resist;  it  had  been  nearly 
ruined  by  the  Russian  bombardment,  and  it 
soon  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  assailants.  From 
Fort  Hafiz,  Alkhazoff' s  men  pressed  forward 
right  under  the  walls  of  Kars  itself. 

By  this  time  —  two  A.M.  —  the  whole  of  the 
forts  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  Russians,  for  Fort  Arab,  north  of 
Fort  Karadagh,  was  captured  soon  after  the 

[47] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

Russian  success  at  the  latter  had  come  to  be 
known.  The  barrack  at  Fort  Kanly  alone  held 
out,  but  this,  as  has  been  told,  was  actually 
doomed.  Recapitulating,  Fort  Souvari  had  been 
carried  early  in  the  night;  Fort  Karadagh  had 
been  seized  by  sudden  inspiration;  Forts  Hafiz 
and  Kanly  had  fallen  to  direct  attack. 

But  this  victory  did  not  extend  beyond  the 
right  bank  of  the  river.  On  the  left,  or  western 
side,  the  Russians  had  made  no  decided  impres- 
sion. The  forts  on  the  mountainous  heights 
above,  known  as  Tchanak  and  Shorak,  still  held 
out :  these  were  the  Forts  Tekman,  Tek  Tepasse, 
Laze  Tepasse,  Mouklis,  Inglis,  and  Veli  Pacha; 
and  the  Turkish  troops  which  garrisoned  them 
numbered  some  fifteen  thousand  men,  still  fresh 
and  capable  of  fighting,  although  somewhat  de- 
moralized. Hussein  Pacha,  the  Turkish  com- 
mander, determined,  therefore,  to  make  a  last 
bid  for  safety,  if  not  to  reverse  fate,  and  massing 
these  forces  on  the  west,  struck  out  for  the  moun- 
tains that  ranged  back  towards  Erzeroum.  The 
daylight,  which  broke  about  five  A.M.,  betrayed 
his  movement,  and  the  Russian  general,  Roop, 
who  commanded  all  the  troops  on  the  left  bank, 
set  himself  to  intercept  the  Turkish  march  and 
prevent  escape.  His  cavalry  took  the  fugitives 
in  flank,  while  his  infantry  faced  and  stopped 

[48] 


The  Storming  of  Kars 

them.  The  largest  part  of  the  Turks  were 
caught,  and  laid  down  their  arms,  but  some  got 
through  and  hurried  towards  the  mountains 
with  the  Cossacks  in  hot  pursuit.  Surrender 
was  the  order  of  the  day,  and  nearly  all  the  Turks 
were  overtaken  and  made  prisoners.  Only  a 
few  of  the  principal  officers,  including  Hussein 
Pacha,  escaped,  through  the  fleetness  and  en- 
durance of  the  horses  they  rode. 

Early  that  forenoon  —  the  18th  November  — 
the  Russian  double  eagle  floated  from  the  citadel 
of  Kars.  The  whole  place,  with  all  it  contained, 
was  in  the  possession  of  the  assailants;  those 
who  had  indirectly  contributed  to  success  on  the 
left  bank  now  entered  the  town,  and  joined  their 
comrades  from  the  right  bank,  upon  whom  the 
brunt  of  the  business  had  fallen. 

The  result  of  this  really  audacious  feat  of  arms 
was  commensurate  with  the  unflinching  courage 
that  had  planned  and  carried  it  through.  A 
fortified  place  of  the  first  class  had  been  carried 
in  open  assault,  seventeen  thousand  prisoners 
were  taken,  three  hundred  and  three  guns  (many 
of  large  calibre),  twenty-five  thousand  stand  of 
small  arms,  and  a  vast  quantity  of  provisions 
and  war  material.  But  the  cost  had  been  heavy 
to  both  sides  in  this  desperate  struggle:  twenty- 
five  hundred  Turks  lay  dead  in  and  about  the 

[49] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

defences,  forty-five  hundred  sick  and  wounded 
filled  the  hospitals ;  and  the  Russians  lost  in  killed 
and  wounded  seventy-seven  officers  and  twenty- 
one  hundred  ninety-six  men. 


[50] 


Ill 

Rorke's   Drift 

By  C.  STEIN 

AT  the  end  of  1878  there  stood  upon  a 
rocky  terrace  on  the  Natal  side  of  the 
Buffalo  River  two  stone  buildings  with 
thatched  roofs,  which  had  formed  a  Swedish 
mission  station,  one  of  them  having  been  used 
as  a  church  and  the  other  having  been  the  dwell- 
ing of  the  missionary.  These  two  humble  edi- 
fices were  destined  to  be,  on  the  22d  January, 
1879,  the  scene  of  the  most  brilliant  feat  of  arms 
performed  during  the  whole  Zulu  War  —  a  de- 
fence by  a  small  determined  force  against  the 
attack  of  vastly  superior  numbers,  an  exploit 
whose  luster,  relieving  a  period  of  disaster,  main- 
tained the  prestige  of  British  arms,  and  whose 
success,  there  can  be  little  doubt,  rescued  Natal 
from  invasion  when  failure  would  have  laid  the 
colony  open  to  the  advance  of  a  savage  enemy. 
So  perfect  was  the  conduct  of  the  officers  and 
men  concerned  in  the  episode,  and  so  well  con- 
ceived and  executed  were  the  measures  adopted, 
that  even  foreign  military  books  quote  the  ex- 
ploit as  an  example  of  the  value  of  improvised 
fortifications  when  they  are  held  by  brave  men. 

[51] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH   Century 

When  war  was  declared  by  Sir  Bartle  Frere, 
the  High  Commissioner  for  South  Africa,  against 
Cetewayo,  the  Zulu  king,  the  conduct  of  opera- 
tions was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Lieutenant- 
General  Lord  Chelmsford,  K.C.B.,  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief.  It  was  determined  to  invade 
Zululand,  and  all  the  forces  available  for  this 
purpose  were  moved  to  the  frontier.  They  were 
divided  into  five  columns,  of  which  three  were  to 
advance  into  the  enemy's  country  from  different 
points,  with  the  intention  of  finally  concentrating 
at  Ulundi,  the  Zulu  capital,  while  the  other  two 
were  in  the  first  instance  to  guard  the  frontier 
against  possible  Zulu  raids.  The  third  column, 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Glyn,  C.B.,  the 
center  of  the  three  columns  of  invasion,  was  to 
assemble  near  Rorke's  Drift  and  cross  the  Buf- 
falo River  at  that  spot,  within  a  mile  of  the  old 
Swedish  mission  station. 

The  river  at  Rorke's  Drift  was,  like  most 
African  streams,  an  impassable  torrent  after 
rain,  but  the  flood  quickly  ran  off,  and  a  passage 
could  then  be  effected  by  the  "drift,"  or  ford. 
There  had  also  been  established  two  ponts,  or 
big,  flat-bottomed  ferry-boats,  each  of  which 
could  transport  an  African  wagon  or  a  company 
of  infantry. 

Colonel  Glyn's  column  crossed  the  river  on 
the  llth  of  January,  1879,  and  from  that  time 

[52] 


Rorke's  Drift 

was  engaged  in  operations  in  Zululand.  Its  line 
of  communications  with  Pietermaritzburg,  the 
chief  city  of  Natal,  was  through  Rorke's  Drift  to 
Helpmakaar,  and  thence  by  Ladysmith  and  Est- 
court,  or  by  the  shorter,  though  more  difficult, 
route  through  Greytown.  Rorke's  Drift,  as  the 
actual  starting  point  of  invasion,  was  formed  into 
a  depot  of  stores  and  a  hospital.  The  deserted 
mission-station  buildings  were  utilized  for  this 
purpose,  the  old  church  being  converted  into  a 
storehouse  and  the  missionary's  dwelling  form- 
ing the  hospital.  As  a  garrison  for  the  impor- 
tant post  and  to  secure  the  passage  across  the 
river,  Colonel  Glyn  left  B  Company  of  the  sec- 
ond battalion  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Regiment, 
under  command  of  Lieutenant  Gonville  Brom- 
head.  With  him  were  also  Major  Spalding,. 
who  was  in  general  charge  of  the  line  of  com- 
munications, Lieutenant  Chard,  Royal  Engi- 
neers, Surgeon  Reynolds,  Army  Medical  Depart- 
ment, and  other  officers.  This  garrison  was 
encamped  near  the  store  and  hospital. 

For  some  days  after  the  departure  of  the  third 
column,  which  was  also  accompanied  by  Lord 
Chelmsford  and  the  Headquarter  Staff,  the 
quiet  routine  of  duty  was  pursued.  Letters 
were  passed  to  and  from  the  front,  necessary 
stores  and  supplies  were  sent  on,  and  the  men 
wounded  in  the  first  engagements  were  received 

[53] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

into  the  hospital.  Among  these  last  was  one  of 
the  enemy,  who  had  been  shot  through  the  thigh 
at  Sirayo's  kraal,  and  who  was  treated  and 
nursed  with  the  same  care  and  attention  as  the 
Englishmen  against  whom  he  had  fought.  On 
the  20th  of  January,  however,  a  large  portion  of 
the  second  column,  under  Colonel  Durnford, 
Royal  Engineers,  arrived  at  Rorke's  Drift  and 
encamped.  Their  stay  was  brief,  for  they  were 
summoned  to  the  fatal  camp  of  Insandhlwana 
on  the  morning  of  the  22d,  Colonel  Durnford 
leaving  a  company  of  the  Natal  Native  Con- 
tingent, under  Captain  Stephenson,  to  strengthen 
the  little  post.  It  became  evident  from  various 
circumstances  that  Colonel  Glyn's  column  was 
encountering  a  stronger  resistance  than  had  been 
anticipated,  and  that,  as  the  enemy  were  in  force 
within  a  few  miles,  they  might  make  a  rapid 
descent  upon  the  weakly  guarded  line  of  com- 
munications. It  was  known  that  two  compa- 
nies of  the  first  battalion  of  the  Twenty-fourth 
were  at  Helpmakaar,  ten  miles  distant,  and 
Major  Spalding  resolved  to  go  there  at  once  in 
order  to  bring  them  up  as  a  reinforcement  to 
Lieutenant  Bromhead's  force.  In  his  absence, 
Lieutenant  Chard  became  senior  officer  at 
Rorke's  Drift,  and  responsible  for  its  well-being. 
Although  on  the  22d  of  January  there  was 
thus  a  feeling  of  uneasiness  at  the  river  post, 

[541 


Rorke's  Drift 

nothing  had  occurred  till  some  hours  after  mid- 
day to  cause  any  special  alarm  to  its  garrison. 
We  may  believe  that  a  general  plan  of  action  had 
been  considered  if  an  attack  should  be  made 
upon  it,  but  in  the  meantime  all  the  officers  and 
men  were  engaged  in  their  usual  employments. 
Lieutenant  Chard  was  at  the  ponts,  and  Lieu- 
tenant Bromhead  was  in  his  little  camp  hard  by 
the  store  and  hospital.  Shortly  after  three  P.M. 
two  mounted  men  were  seen  galloping  at  head- 
long speed  towards  the  ferry  from  Zululand. 
There  is  little  difficulty  in  recognizing  messen- 
gers of  disaster,  the  men  who  ride  with  the  aven- 
ger of  blood  close  on  their  horses'  track,  and 
Chard,  who  met  them,  knew  that  something 
terrible  had  happened.  His  worst  anticipations 
were  more  than  realized  when  the  two  fugitives 

-  Lieutenant  Adendorff,   of  the   Native   Con- 
tingent, and  a  Natal  volunteer  —  told  their  story: 
the  camp  at  Insandhlwana  had  been  attacked 
and  taken  by  the  enemy,  of  whom  a  large  force 
was  now  advancing  on  Rorke's  Drift. 

The  Natal  volunteer  hurried  on  to  give  the 
alarm  at  Helpmakaar;  but  one  man  was  enough 
for  this  service,  and  Adendorff  -  -  gallant  fellow ! 

-  said  that  he  would  remain  at  Rorke's  Drift, 
where  every  additional  European  would  be  a 
valuable  reinforcement,  and  cast  in  his  lot  with  its 
defenders.  Chard  at  once  gave  orders  to  the  guard 

[55] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

at  the  ponts  to  strike  their  tents,  put  all  stores  on 
the  spot  into  the  wagon,  and  withdraw  to  the 
main  body  of  the  post.  Now  occurred  the  first 
incident  which  testified  to  the  spirit  which  ani- 
mated the  small  force  on  the  banks  of  the 
Buffalo.  The  ferryman  —  Daniells  —  and  Ser- 
geant Milne,  of  the  Third  Buffs  (who  was  doing 
duty  with  the  Twenty-fourth),  proposed  that 
they  should  be  allowed  to  moor  the  two  ponts  in 
the  middle  of  the  river,  and  offered,  with  the 
ferry-guard  of  six  men,  to  defend  them  against 
attack  —  a  brave  thought,  indeed,  but  it  was 
put  aside.  Chard  was  too  good  a  soldier  to 
divide  his  few  men  in  any  way.  He  saw  at  once 
that  the  commissariat  stores  and  hospital  would 
require  every  available  rifle  for  their  defence, 
and  that  the  safety  of  every  other  place  was  com- 
paratively a  very  minor  consideration. 

While  he  was  giving  his  orders  an  urgent  mes- 
sage came  from  Bromhead  asking  him  to  join 
him  at  once.  To  Bromhead  also  had  come  sev- 
eral mounted  men  fleeing  from  Insandhlwana, 
bearing  the  same  dread  intelligence  which  Aden- 
dorff  had  brought  to  the  ferry,  and  the  trained 
officer  of  engineers  was  required  to  concert  and 
decide  upon  measures  of  defence.  But  when 
the  engineer  joined  the  infantry  subaltern  he 
found  that  the  latter,  aided  by  Assistant-Com- 
missary Dunne,  had  already  begun  the  neces- 

[56] 


Rorke's  Drift 

sary  work,  and  that  there  was  nothing  to  change, 
if  much  was  still  left  to  complete.  The  three 
officers  held  a  hurried  consultation,  and  prompt 
use  was  made  of  all  ordinary  expedients  of  war, 
while  materials  never  before  employed  in  forti- 
fication were  pressed  into  service.  The  store 
and  hospital  were  loop-holed  and  barricaded, 
the  windows  and  doors  blocked  with  mattresses; 
but  it  was  necessary  to  connect  the  defence  of  the 
two  buildings  by  a  parapet.  There  were  no 
stones  at  hand  with  which  to  build  a  wall,  and  if 
there  had  been,  there  was  no  time  to  make  use 
of  them;  the  hard,  rocky  soil  could  not  be  dug 
and  formed  into  ditch  and  breastwork;  but  there 
was  a  great  store  of  bags  of  mealies,  or  the  grain 
of  Indian  corn,  which  had  been  collected  as  horse 
provender  for  the  army.  Assistant-Commissary 
Dunne  suggested  that  these  should  be  used  in 
the  fashion  of  sand-bags  for  the  construction  of 
the  required  parapet.  Everybody  labored  with 
the  energy  of  men  who  know  that  their  safety 
depends  on  their  exertions.  Chard  and  Brom- 
head,  Surgeon  Reynolds  and  Dunne  not  merely 
directed,  but  engaged  most  energetically  in  the 
work  of  preparation.  When  the  alarm  was  first 
given  it  was  intended  to  remove  the  worst  cases 
from  the  hospital  to  a  place  of  safety,  and  two 
wagons  were  prepared  for  the  purpose;  but  it 
was  found  that  the  attempt  to  move  the  patients 

[57] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

at  the  slow  pace  of  ox-teams  when  the  Zulus  were 
so  close  at  hand  would  only  result  in  offering 
them  as  easy  victims  to  the  murderous  assegai. 
The  two  wagons  were  therefore  used  as  part  of 
the  defences,  and  mealie  bags  were  piled  under- 
neath and  upon  them,  so  that  each  formed  a 
strong  post  of  vantage. 

The  ferry-guard  had  joined  the  rest  of  the 
force  at  3.30  P.M.,  and  a  few  minutes  later  an 
officer  of  Durnford's  Natal  Native  Horse,  with 
a  hundred  of  his  men  who  had  been  heavily  en- 
gaged at  Insandhlwana,  rode  up  and  asked  for 
orders.  Chard  directed  him  to  watch  for  the 
approach  of  the  enemy,  sending  out  vedettes, 
and  when  he  was  pressed,  to  fall  back  and  assist 
in  the  defence  of  the  post.  So  far  it  seemed  cer- 
tain that  when  the  threatened  Zulu  attack  devel- 
oped itself  against  the  Rorke's  Drift  fortifica- 
tions they  would  be  found,  though  hurriedly  de- 
vised and  executed,  to  be  adequately  defended 
by  the  company  of  the  Twenty-fourth,  Captain 
Stephenson's  company  of  the  Native  Contingent, 
and  about  a  hundred  Basutos  of  the  Natal  Na- 
tive Horse.  But  if  the  gallant  English  officers 
who  had  striven  so  hard  and  with  so  much  mili- 
tary genius  to  make  their  position  tenable  looked 
forward  to  this  amount  of  support,  they  were 
destined  to  grievous  disappointment  and  mortifi- 
cation. At  4.15  P.M.  the  sound  of  firing  was 

[58] 


Rorke's  Drift 

heard  behind  a  hill  towards  the  south,  and  told 
that  the  vedettes  of  the  Native  Horse  were  en- 
gaged with  the  enemy.  Their  officer  returned, 
reporting  that  the  Zulus  were  close  at  hand,  and 
that  his  men  would  not  obey  orders.  Chard 
and  his  comrades  had  the  sore  trial  of  seeing 
them  all  moving  off  towards  Helpmakaar,  leav- 
ing the  garrison  to  its  fate.  Nor  was  this  all. 
The  evil  example  was  only  too  soon  followed. 
Captain  Stephenson's  company  of  the  Native 
Contingent  also  felt  their  hearts  fail,  and,  ac- 
companied by  their  commander,  also  fled  from 
the  post  of  duty. 

For  the  Native  Horse  there  is  some  excuse  to 
be  made.  They  had  been  in  the  saddle  since 
daybreak;  they  were  the  survivors  of  a  ter- 
rible defeat  and  massacre;  they  had  seen  a 
large  number  of  their  comrades  slain,  and  they 
were  demoralized  by  the  loss  of  their  beloved 
commander,  Colonel  Durnford.  If  on  this  occa- 
sion their  valor  failed  them,  it  is  to  be  remem- 
bered that  they  had  behaved  nobly  in  the  early 
part  of  the  day,  and  that  in  later  episodes  of  the 
war  their  gallantry  and  self-devotion  were  pro- 
verbial. But  for  the  Native  Contingent  com- 
pany nothing  can  be  said.  They  were  fresh,  and 
as  yet  unscathed  by  war;  they  had  the  best  ex- 
ample in  the  calm  demeanor  of  their  English 
comrades,  and  they  had  many  causes  of  feud 

[59] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

and  quarrel  with  the  enemy.  But,  as  in  all 
other  occasions  of  the  war  where  Natal  Kaffirs 
were  employed,  they  gave  way  in  time  of  stress, 
and  the  greatest  shame  of  the  matter  was  that 
their  colonial  European  officer  now  shared  their 
misconduct. 

The  garrison  at  Rorke's  Drift  was  now  re- 
duced to  Bromhead's  company  of  the  Twenty- 
fourth  —  about  eighty  strong  —  and  some  men 
of  other  corps,  the  total  number  within  the  post 
being  one  hundred  thirty-nine,  of  whom  thirty- 
five  were  sick  or  wounded  men  in  hospital.  The 
original  scheme  of  defence  had  provided  for  a 
much  larger  force,  and  Chard  recognized  that  it 
would  now  be  impossible  long  to  occupy  effect- 
ively the  range  of  parapets  and  loopholes  which 
had  been  prepared.  There  was  nothing  for  it 
but  to  form  an  inner  line  of  defence,  to  which 
the  garrison  might  fall  back  when  the  outer  line 
became  untenable.  He  decided  that,  if  neces- 
sary, the  hospital  must  be  abandoned,  and  that 
the  defence  must  be  restricted  to  the  store  and 
the  space  in  front  of  it,  including  a  well-built 
stone  kraal  or  enclosure  which  abutted  on  it  to 
the  eastward.  To  carry  out  this  plan  he  com- 
menced an  inner  retrenchment,  forming  a  para- 
pet of  biscuit-boxes  across  the  larger  enclosure. 
This  was  only  about  two  boxes  high  when  the 
expected  flood  of  attack  hurled  its  first  waves 

[60] 


Rorkes  Drift 

against  the  frail  solitary  bulwark  which  stood 
between  Natal  and  savage  invasion. 

About  4.30  P.M.  five  or  six  hundred  of  the 
enemy  appeared,  sweeping  round  the  rocky  hill 
to  the  south  of  the  post,  and  advancing  at  the 
swift  pace  characteristic  of  the  Zulu  warriors 
against  the  south  wall  which  connected  the  store 
and  hospital.  But  they  had  to  deal  with  stern 
men  who  were  braced  up  for  the  encounter  by 
feelings  of  duty,  patriotism,  and  the  long  habit 
of  regimental  discipline  and  comradeship  which 
makes  each  feel  assured  and  confident  that  all 
are  striving  shoulder  to  shoulder,  and  that  none 
will  blench  from  his  appointed  place.  From 
the  parapet  of  mealie  bags  and  from  the  hospital 
poured  forth  a  heavy  and  well-sustained  fire, 
which  was  crossed  by  a  flanking  discharge  from 
the  store.  No  man  wasted  a  shot,  and  the  aim 
was  cool  and  deliberate. 

Even  Zulu  valor  and  determination  could  not 
face  the  deadly  leaden  hail,  and  the  onslaught 
weakened  and  broke  within  fifty  yards  of  the 
British  rifles.  Some  of  the  assailants  swerved 
to  their  left,  and  passed  round  to  the  west  of 
the  hospital;  some  sought  cover  where  they 
could,  and  occupied  banks,  ditches,  bushes, 
and  the  cooking  place  of  the  garrison.  But 
this  first  attack  was  only  the  effort  of  the 
enemy's  advanced  guard.  Masses  of  warriors 

[61] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

followed  and  flowed  over  the  elevated  south- 
ward ledge  of  rocks  overlooking  the  build- 
ings. Every  cave  and  crevice  was  quickly  filled, 
and  from  these  sheltered  and  commanding  posi- 
tions they  opened  a  heavy  and  continuous  fire. 
It  was  fortunate  that  the  spoil  in  rifles  and  am- 
munition taken  at  Insandhlwana  was  not  yet 
available  for  use  against  the  English,  as  at  Kam- 
bula  and  later  engagements,  but  the  enemy's 
firearms  were  still  the  old  muskets  and  rifles  of 
which  they  had  long  been  in  possession.  Even 
so,  at  the  short  range  these  were  sufficiently 
effective,  and,  in  the  hands  of  better  marksmen 
than  Zulus  usually  are,  might  have  inflicted 
crushing  losses. 

The  first  attack  repulsed,  a  second  desperate 
effort  was  made  by  the  enemy  against  the  north- 
west wall  just  below  the  hospital ;  but  here  again 
the  defenders  were  ready  to  meet  it,  and  again 
the  assailing  torrent  broke  and  fell  back.  Such 
of  the  sick  and  wounded  in  the  hospitals  as  were 
able  to  rouse  themselves  from  their  beds  of  pain 
had  by  this  time  seized  rifle  and  bayonet  and 
joined  their  comrades;  but  though  every  man 
was  now  mustered,  the  total  number  was  all  too 
small  for  the  grim  task  before  them.  The  mis- 
fortune of  the  extreme  hurry  in  the  preparations 
for  defence  was  now  painfully  apparent.  In 
strengthening  any  position  for  defensive  occu- 

[62] 


Rorkes  Drift 

pation  one  of  the  first  measures  taken  by  a  com- 
mander is  to  clear  as  large  an  open  space  as  pos- 
sible round  the  parapet  or  fortifications  which 
he  proposes  to  hold.  All  ditches  and  hollows 
should  be  filled  up;  all  buildings,  walls,  and 
heaps  of  refuse  should  be  pulled  down  and  scat- 
tered; all  trees,  shrubs,  and  thick  herbage  should 
be  cut  and  removed;  so  that  no  attack  can  be 
made  under  cover,  no  safe  place  may  be  found 
from  which  deliberate  fire  may  be  delivered,  or 
any  movement  can  be  made  by  an  enemy  un- 
seen, and  therefore  unanticipated.  At  Rorke's 
Drift,  not  only  were  the  buildings  and  parapets 
overlooked  and  commanded  to  the  southward 
by  a  rocky  hill  full  of  caves  and  lurking-places, 
but  there  was  a  garden  to  the  north,  a  thick 
patch  of  bush  which  was  close  to  the  parapet,  a 
square  Kaffir  house  and  large  brick  oven  and 
cooking  trenches,  besides  numerous  banks,  walls, 
and  ditches,  all  of  which  offered  a  shelter  to  the 
enemy,  which  they  were  not  slow  to  profit  by. 
The  post  was  encircled  by  a  dense  ring  of  the 
foe,  and  from  every  side  came  the  whistle  of 
their  bullets. 

Up  till  this  time,  though  several  men  had  been 
wounded,  no  one  had  been  struck  dead.  Sud- 
denly a  whisper  passed  round  among  the  Twenty- 
fourth,  "  Poor  old  King  Cole  is  killed."  Private 
Cole,  who  was  known  by  this  affectionate  bar- 

[63] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

rack-room  nickname,  was  at  the  parapet  when  a 
bullet  passed  through  his  head,  and  he  fell  doing 
his  duty  —  a  noble  end. 

If  the  Zulu  fire  was  telling,  however,  the  steady 
marksmanship  of  the  English  officers  and  men 
was  still  more  effective.  Private  Dunbar,  of  the 
Twenty-fourth,  laid  low  a  mounted  chief  who 
was  conspicuous  in  directing  the  enemy,  and 
immediately  afterwards  shot  eight  warriors  in  as 
many  successive  shots.  Everywhere  the  officers 
were  present  with  words  of  encouragement,  ex- 
posing themselves  fearlessly  and  showing  that 
iron  coolness  and  self-possession  which  rouses 
such  confidence  and  emulation  in  soldiery  on  a 
day  of  battle.  Assistant-Commissary  Dunne  — 
a  man  of  great  stature  and  physique,  with  a  long, 
flowing  beard  —  was  continually  going  along 
the  parapet,  cheering  the  men  and  using  the  rifle 
with  deadly  effect.  There  was  a  rush  of  Zulus 
against  the  spot  where  he  was,  led  by  a  huge 
man,  whose  leopard-skin  kaross  marked  the 
chief.  Dunne  called  out  "Pot  that  fellow!" 
and  himself  aimed  over  the  parapet  at  another, 
when  his  rifle  dropped  from  his  hand,  and  he 
spun  round  with  suddenly  pallid  face,  shot 
through  the  right  shoulder.  Surgeon  Reynolds 
was  by  his  side  at  once,  and  bound  up  the  wound. 

Unable  any  longer  to  use  his  rifle,  he  handed 
it  to  storekeeper  Byrne,  but  continued  unmoved 

[64] 


THERE   WAS   A    HAND-TO-HAND    STRUGGLE  /.  6$ 


Rorke's  Drift 

to  superintend  the  men  near  to  him  and  to  direct 
their  fire.  Byrne  took  his  place  at  the  parapet, 
and  his  bullets  were  not  wasted.  In  a  few  min- 
utes Corporal  Scammel,  Natal  Native  Contin- 
gent, who  was  next  to  him,  was  shot  through  the 
shoulder  and  back  He  fell,  and  crawling  to 
Chard,  who  was  fighting  side  by  side  with  the 
men,  handed  him  the  remainder  of  his  cartridges. 
In  his  agony  he  asked  for  a  drink  of  water. 
Byrne  at  once  fetched  it  for  him,  and  whilst 
handing  it  to  the  suffering  soldier  was  himself 
shot  through  the  head,  and  fell  prone,  a  dead 
man. 

While  fighting  was  thus  going  on  all  round 
the  post,  a  series  of  specially  determined  attacks 
was  made  against  the  northern  side!  Here  the 
Zulus  were  able  to  collect  under  cover  of  the  gar- 
den and  patch  of  bush,  and  from  that  shelter 
were  able  to  rush  untouched  close  up  to  the  para- 
pet. Soon  they  were  on  one  side  of  the  barri- 
cade, while  the  defenders  held  the  other,  and 
across  it  there  was  a  hand-to-hand  struggle  of 
the  bayonet  against  the  broad-bladed  bangwan, 
the  stabbing  assegai.  So  close  were  the  com- 
batants that  the  Zulus  seized  the  English  bay- 
onets, and  in  two  instances  even  succeeded  in 
wrenching  them  from  the  rifles,  though  in  each 
case  the  breechloader  took  a  stern  vengeance. 
The  muzzles  of  the  opposing  firearms  were  al- 

[65] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

most  touching  each  other,  and  the  discharge  of  a 
musket  blew  the  broad  "dopper"  hat  from  the 
head  of  Corporal  Schiess,  of  the  Natal  Native 
Contingent.  This  man  (a  Swiss  by  birth),  who 
had  been  a  patient  in  hospital,  leaped  on  to  the 
parapet  and  bayoneted  the  man  who  fired,  re- 
gained his  place,  and  shot  another;  then,  repeat- 
ing his  former  exploit,  again  leaped  on  the  top  of 
the  mealie  bags  and  bayoneted  a  third.  Early 
in  the  fight  he  had  been  struck  by  a  bullet  in  the 
instep,  but,  though  suffering  acute  pain,  he  left 
not  his  post,  and  was  only  maddened  to  perform 
deeds  of  heroic  daring. 

The  struggle  here  was  too  severe  and  unequal 
to  be  long  continued.  Besides  the  ceaseless  at- 
tacks of  their  enemy  in  front,  the  defenders  of 
the  parapet  were  exposed  to  the  fire  which  took 
them  in  reverse  from  the  high  hill  to  the  south. 
Five  soldiers  had  been  thus  shot  dead  in  a  short 
space  of  time.  At  six  P.M.  the  order  was  given 
to  retire  behind  the  retrenchment  of  biscuit- 
boxes.  When  the  defence  of  the  parapet  was 
thus  removed,  the  dark  crowd  of  Zulus  surged 
over  the  mealie  bags  to  attack  the  hospital;  but 
such  a  heavy  fire  was  sent  from  the  line  of  the 
retrenchment  that  nearly  every  man  who  leaped 
into  the  enclosure  perished  in  the  effort.  Again 
and  again  they  charged  forward,  shouting  their 

[66] 


Rorke's  Drift 

war-cry  "JJsutu!  Usutu!"  and  ever  the  death- 
dealing  volleys  smote  them  to  the  ground. 

The  story  has  now  been  told  of  the  struggle 
during  the  first  hour  and  a  half  about  the  store- 
house and  large  enclosure,  till  the  moment  came 
when  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  hold  the  whole 
of  the  defences  as  they  were  at  first  organized, 
and  Chard  was  constrained  to  withdraw  behind 
the  biscuit-box  retrenchment  which  his  foresight 
had  provided.  All  this  time  the  enemy  had  been 
making  fierce  and  constantly  reiterated  attempts 
to  force  their  way  into  the  hospital,  which  was  at 
the  west  end  of  the  enclosure.  Here  Bromhead 
personally  superintended  the  resistance,  and 
here  deeds  of  military  prowess,  cool  presence  of 
mind,  and  glorious  self-devotion  were  performed 
to  be  proud  of. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  building  had  a 
thatched  roof,  and  the  Zulus  not  only  strove 
to  force  an  ingress,  but  used  every  expedient 
to  set  the  thatch  on  fire,  and  thus  to  destroy 
the  poor  stronghold  which  so  long  mocked  at 
their  attempts  to  take  it.  While  many  of  the 
patients  whose  ailments  were  comparatively 
slight  had  risen  from  their  pallets  and  taken  an 
active  part  in  the  defence,  there  were  several 
poor  fellows,  utterly  helpless,  distributed  among 
the  different  wards;  and  it  is  difficult  to  conceive 
a  situation  more  trying  than  theirs  must  have 

[67] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

been,  listening  to  the  demoniac  yells  of  the  sav- 
ages, only  separated  from  them  by  a  thin  wall, 
thirsting  for  their  blood.  At  every  window  were 
one  or  two  comrades,  firing  till  the  rifles  were 
heated  to  scorching  by  the  unceasing  discharge. 
Bullets  splashed  upon  the  walls,  and  the  air 
reeked  with  dense,  sulphurous  smoke.  The 
combatants  may  have  been  excited  and  carried 
away  by  the  mad  fury  of  battle;  but  to  men  de- 
pressed by  disease,  weakened  and  racked  with 
pain,  truly  the  minutes  must  have  been  long  and 
terrible  in  their  mental  and  physical  suffering. 
Shortly  after  five  o'clock  the  Zulus  had  been  able 
so  far  to  break  down  the  entrance  to  the  room 
at  the  extreme  end  of  the  hospital  that  they  were 
able  to  charge  at  the  opening;  but  Bromhead 
was  there,  and  drove  them  back  time  after  time 
with  the  bayonet.  As  long  as  the  enclosure  was 
held,  they  failed  in  every  fierce  attempt.  Private 
Joseph  Williams  was  firing  from  a  small  window 
hard  by,  and  on  the  next  morning  fourteen  war- 
riors were  found  dead  beneath  it,  besides  others 
along  his  line  of  fire.  When  his  ammunition 
was  expended,  he  joined  his  brother,  Private 
John  Williams,  and  two  of  the  patients  who  also 
had  fired  their  last  cartridge,  and  with  them 
guarded  the  door  with  their  bayonets.  No 
longer  able  to  keep  their  opponents  at  a  distance, 
the  four  stood  grimly  resolute,  waiting  till  the 

[68] 


Rorkes  Drift 

door  was  battered  in  and  they  stood  face  to  face 
with  the  foe. 

Then  followed  a  death  struggle.  The  Eng- 
lish bayonet  crossed  the  broad-bladed  bangwan, 
the  stalwart  Warwickshire  lads  met  the  lithe  and 
muscular  tribesmen  of  Cetewayo,  and  the  weap- 
ons glinted  thirsty  for  blood.  In  the  melee  poor 
Joseph  Williams  was  grappled  with  by  two 
Zulus,  his  hands  were  seized,  and,  dragged  out 
from  among  his  comrades,  he  was  killed  before 
their  eyes.  But  now  it  was  known  that  the  hos- 
pital must  be  abandoned,  and  as  the  usual  path 
was  occupied  by  the  enemy,  a  way  had  to  be 
made  through  the  partition  walls.  John  Wil- 
liams and  the  two  patients  succeeded  in  making 
a  passage  with  an  axe  into  the  adjoining  room, 
where  they  were  joined  by  Private  Henry  Hook. 
John  Williams  and  Hook  then  took  it  in  turn  to 
guard  the  hole  through  which  the  little  party  had 
come,  with  the  bayonet,  and  keep  the  foe  at  bay, 
while  the  others  worked  at  cutting  a  further  pas- 
sage. In  this  retreat  from  room  to  room,  an- 
other brave  soldier,  Private  Jenkins,  met  the 
same  fate  as  did  Joseph  Williams,  and  was 
dragged  to  his  death  by  the  pursuers.  The 
others  at  last  arrived  at  a  window  looking  into 
the  enclosure  towards  the  storehouse,  and,  leap- 
ing from  it,  ran  the  gauntlet  of  the  enemy's  fire 
till  they  reached  their  comrades  behind  the  bis- 

[69] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

cuit-box  retrenchment.  To  the  devoted  bravery 
and  cool  resource  of  Private  John  Williams  and 
Hook,  eight  patients,  who  had  been  in  the  several 
wards  which  they  had  traversed,  owed  their 
lives.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the  assistance  of 
these  two  gallant  men,  all  the  eight  would  have 
perished  where  they  lay.  These,  however,  were 
only  some  of  the  hairbreadth  escapes  from  the 
hospital,  and  only  some  of  the  deeds  of  stubborn 
hardihood  performed  in  it. 

A  few  of  the  sick  men  were  half  carried,  half 
led,  by  chivalrous  comrades  across  the  enclosure 
to  the  retrenchment,  but  many  had  to  make 
their  own  way  over  the  space  now  swept  by  the 
Zulu  bullets,  and  that  that  space  was  clear  was 
due  to  the  steady  fire  maintained  by  Ghard, 
which  prevented  the  Zulus  themselves  from 
leaving  the  spots  where  they  were  under  cover. 
Trooper  Hunter,  Natal  Mounted  Police,  a  very 
tall  young  man,  who  had  been  a  patient,  essayed 
the  rush  to  safety,  but  he  was  hit  and  fell  before 
he  reached  his  goal.  Corporal  Mayer,  Natal 
Native  Contingent,  who  had  been  wounded  in 
the  knee  by  an  assegai-thrust  in  one  of  the 
early  engagements  of  the  campaign,  Bom- 
bardier Lewis,  Royal  Artillery,  whose  leg  and 
thigh  were  swollen  and  disabled  from  a  wagon 
accident,  and  Trooper  Green,  Natal  Police, 
also  a  nearly  helpless  invalid,  all  got  out  of 

[70] 


Rorke's  Drift 

a  little  window  looking  into  the  enclosure. 
The  window  was  at  some  distance  from  the 
ground,  and  each  man  fell  in  escaping  from 
it.  All  had  to  crawl  (for  none  of  them 
could  walk)  through  the  enemy's  fire,  and  all 
passed  scatheless  into  the  retrenchment  ex- 
cept Green,  who  was  struck  on  the  thigh.  In 
one  of  the  wards  facing  the  hill  on  the  south 
side  of  the  hospital,  Privates  William  Jones  and 
Robert  Jones  had  been  posted.  There  were 
seven  patients  in  the  ward,  and  these  two  men 
defended  their  post  till  six  of  the  seven  patients 
had  been  removed.  The  seventh  was  Sergeant 
Maxfield,  who,  delirious  with  fever,  resisted  all 
attempts  to  move  him.  Robert  Jones,  with  rare 
courage  and  devotion,  went  back  a  second  time 
to  try  to  carry  him  out,  but  found  the  ward  al- 
ready full  of  Zulus,  and  the  poor  sergeant  stabbed 
to  death  on  his  bed. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  a  wounded  prisoner 
was  being  treated  in  the  hospital.  So  much  had 
he  been  impressed  by  the  kindness  which  he  had 
received,  that  he  was  anxious  to  assist  in  the  de- 
fence. He  said  "  he  was  not  afraid  of  the  Zulus, 
but  he  wanted  a  gun."  His  new-born  goodwill 
was  not,  however,  tested.  When  the  ward  in 
which  he  lay  was  forced,  Private  Hook,  who  was 
assisting  the  Englishmen  in  the  next  room,  heard 
the  Zulus  talking  to  him.  The  next  day  his 

[71] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

charred  remains  were  found  in  the  ashes  of  the 
building.  That  communication  was  kept  up 
with  the  hospital  at  all,  and  that  it  was  possible 
to  effect  the  removal  of  so  many  patients,  was 
due  in  great  part  to  the  conduct  of  Corporal 
Allen  and  Private  Hitch.  These  two  soldiers 
together,  in  defiance  of  danger,  held  a  most  ex- 
posed position,  raked  in  reverse  by  the  fire  from 
the  hill,  till  both  were  severely  wounded.  Their 
determined  bravery  had  its  result  in  the  safety 
of  their  comrades.  Even  after  they  were  in- 
capacitated from  further  fighting,  they  never 
ceased,  when  their  wounds  had  been  dressed,  to 
serve  out  ammunition  from  the  reserve  through- 
out the  rest  of  the  combat. 

When  the  defence  of  the  hospital  was  relaxed, 
it  had  been  easy  for  the  enemy  to  carry  out  their 
plan  of  setting  fire  to  the  thatched  roof,  and  now 
the  whole  was  in.  a  blaze,  the  flames  rising  high 
and  casting  a  lurid  glare  over  the  scene  of  con- 
flict. The  last  men  who  effected  their  retreat 
from  the  building  had  as  much  to  dread  from 
the  spreading  conflagration  as  from  the  Zulu 
assegais.  We  have  seen  that,  from  the  want  of 
interior  communication,  it  had  been  necessary 
for  those  who  did  escape  to  cut  their  way  from 
room  to  room.  Alas!  to  some  of  the  patients,  it 
had  been  impossible  for  the  anxious  leader  and 
his  stanch,  willing  followers  to  penetrate.  De- 

[72] 


Rorke's  Drift 

feated  by  the  flames  and  by  the  numbers  of  their 
opponents,  Chard  records  in  his  official  despatch, 
"With  the  most  heartfelt  sorrow,  I  regret  we 
could  not  save  these  poor  fellows  from  their  ter- 
rible fate." 

While  in  the  hospital  the  last  struggle  was 
going  on,  Chard's  unfailing  resource  had  pro- 
vided another  element  of  strength  to  his  now  re- 
stricted line  of  defence,  and  had  formed  a  place 
of  comparative  security  for  the  reception  of  his 
wounded  men.  In  the  small  yard  by  the  store- 
house were  two  large  piles  of  mealie  bags.  These, 
with  the  assistance  of  two  or  three  men  and 
Dunne,  who,  severely  wounded  as  he  was,  con- 
tinued working  with  unabated  energy  and  de- 
termination, he  formed  into  an  oblong  and  suffi- 
ciently high  redoubt.  In  the  hollow  space  in  its 
center  were  laid  the  sick  and  wounded,  while  its 
crest  gave  a  second  line  of  fire,  which  swept  much 
of  the  ground  that  could  not  be  seen  by  the  oc- 
cupiers of  the  lower  parapets.  As  the  intrepid 
men  were  making  this  redoubt,  their  object  was 
quickly  detected  by  the  enemy,  who  poured  upon 
them  a  rain  of  bullets;  but  fortunately  unhurt, 
they  completed  their  work. 

The  night  had  fallen,  and  the  light  from 
the  burning  hospital  was  now  of  the  greatest 
service  to  the  defender,  as  it  illumined  every 
spot  for  hundreds  of  yards  round,  and  gave 

[731 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

every  advantage  to  the  trained  riflemen  of 
the  Twenty-fourth.  The  Zulu  losses  had  been 
tremendously  heavy;  but  still  they  pressed 
their  unremitting  attack.  Rush  after  rush 
was  made  right  up  to  the  parapets  so  strenu- 
ously held,  and  their  musketry  fire  never  slack- 
ened. The  outer  wall  of  the  stone  kraal  on  the 
east  of  the  store  had  to  be  abandoned,  and  finally 
the  garrison  was  confined  to  the  commissariat 
store,  the  enclosure  just  in  front  of  it,  the  inner 
wall  of  the  kraal,  and  the  redoubt  of  mealie  bags. 
But  the  steadfastness  of  the  defenders  was 
never  impaired.  Still  every  man  fired  with  the 
greatest  coolness.  Not  a  shot  was  wasted,  and 
Rorke's  Drift  Station  remained  still  proudly 
impregnable.  At  10  P.M.  the  hospital  fire  had 
burnt  itself  out,  and  darkness  settled  over  de- 
fence and  attack.  It  was  not  till  midnight,  how- 
ever, that  the  Zulus  began  to  lose  heart,  and  give 
to  the  garrison  some  breathing  space  and  repose. 
Desultory  firing  still  continued  from  the  hill  to 
the  southward,  and  from  the  bush  and  garden 
in  front;  but  there  were  no  more  attacks  in  force, 
and  the  stress  of  siege  was  practically  over.  The 
dark  hours  were  full  of  anxiety,  and  even  the 
stout  hearts  which  had  not  quailed  during  the 
long  period  of  trial  that  was  past  must  have  had 
some  feeling  of  disquietude  for  the  morrow,  lest 
wearied,  reduced  in  numbers,  and  with  slender 

[74] 


Rorke's  Drift 

supply  of  water,  they  should  be  called  upon  to 
meet  renewed  efforts  made  by  a  reenforced  foe. 
The  dawn  came  at  last,  and  the  eyes  of  all 
were  gladdened  by  seeing  the  rear  of  the  Zulu 
masses  retiring  round  the  shoulder  of  the  hill 
from  which  their  first  attack  had  been  made. 
The  supreme  tension  of  mind  and  body  was 
over,  and  if  the  struggle  had  been  long  and  stern 
the  victory  was  for  the  time  complete.     How 
bitterly  it  had  been  fought  out  was  shown  by  the 
piles  of  the  enemy's  dead  lying  around,  and  by 
the  silence  of  familiar  voices  when  the  roll  was 
called.     There  was  yet   no  rest.     The  enemy 
might  take  heart  and  return,  for,  though  many 
of    their    warriors    had    seen    their    last    fight, 
their  numbers  were  so  overwhelming,  and  they 
must  have  known  so  well  how  close  had  been 
the  pressure  of  their  attack,  that  they  might  well 
think  that,   with  renewed  efforts,   success  was 
more  than  possible.     Patrols  were  sent  out  to 
collect  the  arms  left  lying  on  the  field.     The  de- 
fences were  strengthened,  and,  mindful  of  the 
fate  of  the  hospital,  a  working  party  was  ordered 
to  remove  the  thatch  from  the  roof  of  the  store. 
The  men  who  were  not  employed  otherwise  were 
kept  manning  the  parapets,  and  all  were  ready 
at  once  to  snatch  up  their  rifles  and  again  to  hold 
the  post  which  they  had  guarded  so  long.     A 
friendly  Kaffir  was  sent  to  Helpmakaar,  saying 

[75] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlX-ra  Century 

that  they  were  still  safe,  and  asking  for  assist- 
ance. About  seven  A.M.  a  mass  of  the  enemy  was 
seen  on  the  hills  to  the  southwest,  and  it  seemed 
as  if  another  onslaught  was  threatened.  They 
were  advancing  slowly  when  the  remains  of  the 
third  column  appeared  in  the  distance,  coming 
from  Insandhlwana,  and,  as  the  English  ap- 
proached, the  threatening  mass  retired,  and 
finally  disappeared. 

Lord  Chelmsford,  Colonel  Glyn,  and  that  part 
of  their  force  which,  having  been  engaged  else- 
where, had  not  been  in  the  Insandhlwana  camp 
when  it  was  attacked  and  taken,  had  passed  the 
night  in  sad  and  anxious  bivouac  among  the 
dead  bodies  of  their  comrades  and  the  debris  of 
a  most  melancholy  disaster.  Full  of  disquietude 
about  the  fate  of  the  post  at  Rorke's  Drift,  and 
the  line  of  communications,  they  had  pushed 
on  with  earliest  dawn.  Their  advanced  guard 
of  mounted  men  strained  eager  eyes  towards 
Rorke's  Drift.  The  British  flag  still  waved  over 
the  storehouse,  and  figures  in  red  coats  could  be 
seen  moving  about  the  place.  But  smoke  was 
rising  where  the  hospital  had  stood,  and,  remem- 
bering that  the  victorious  Zulus  at  Insandhlwana 
had  clad  themselves  in  the  uniforms  of  the  dead, 
there  was  a  moment  of  dread  uncertainty  to  the 
officer  who  was  leading  the  way.  But  surely 
that  was  a  faint  British  cheer  rising  from  the 

[76] 


Rorkes  Drift 

post!  A  few  hundred  yards  more  of  advance, 
and  it  was  known  that  here  at  least  no  mistake 
had  been  made;  here  courage  and  determination 
had  not  been  shown  in  vain ;  and  that  here  some- 
thing had  been  done  to  restore  the  confidence 
in  British  prowess  which  had  just  received  so 
rude  a  shock  elsewhere. 

What  a  sight  was  the  spot  in  the  bright 
morning  sunlight!  There  lay  hundreds  of 
Zulus  either  dead  or  gasping  out  the  last 
remains  of  life;  there  was  the  grim  and  gray 
old  warrior  lying  side  by  side  with  the  young 
man  who  had  come  "to  wash  his  assegai";  there 
a  convulsive  movement  of  arm  or  leg,  the  rolling 
of  a  slowly  glazing  eye,  or  the  heaving  of  a  bullet- 
pierced  chest  showed  that  life  was  not  quite  ex- 
tinct; and  there  were  the  defenders,  wan,  battle- 
stained,  and  weary,  but  with  the  proud  light  of 
triumph  in  their  glance,  standing  by  the  fortifi- 
cations which  they  had  so  stoutly  held  —  fortifi- 
cations so  small,  so  frail,  that  it  seemed  mar- 
velous how  they  had  been  made  to  serve  their 
purpose.  The  skeleton  of  the  hospital  still  was 
there,  but  its  roof  and  woodwork  had  fallen  in, 
and  in  the  still  smoking  pile  men  were  searching 
for  the  remains  of  lost  comrades.  And  there, 
in  the  corner  of  the  enclosure,  reverently  covered 
and  guarded,  were  the  bodies  of  the  dead  who 
had  given  their  lives  for  England  and  sealed 

[77] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

their  devotion  to  duty  with  their  blood.  Well 
might  Lord  Chelmsford  congratulate  the  de- 
fenders of  Rorke's  Drift  on  the  brilliant  stand 
that  they  had  made,  and  well  might  the  colony 
of  Natal  look  upon  them  as  saviours  from  cruel 
invasion. 

In  telling  the  story  of  the  events  of  the  22d, 
it  has  been  said  that  Major  Spalding  left  Rorke's 
Drift  to  seek  reinforcements  at  Helpmakaar. 
There  he  found  two  companies  of  the  Twenty- 
fourth,  under  Major  Upcher,  and  with  them  he 
at  once  commenced  to  march  to  the  river  post. 
On  their  way  they  met  several  fugitives  who  as- 
serted that  the  place  had  fallen,  and  when  they 
arrived  within  three  miles  of  their  destination,  a 
large  body  of  Zulus  was  found  barring  the  way, 
while  the  flames  of  the  burning  hospital  could 
be  seen  rising  from  the  river  valley.  It  was  only 
too  probable  that  if  they  went  on  they  would 
merely  sacrifice  to  no  purpose  the  only  regular 
troops  remaining  between  the  frontier  and  Pie- 
termaritzburg.  Helpmakaar  was  the  principal 
store  depot  for  the  center  column,  full  of  am- 
munition and  supplies,  and  it  seemed  best  that 
its  safety  should,  at  any  rate,  be  provided  for  as 
far  as  possible.  The  two  companies  were  there- 
fore ordered  to  return,  and  preparations  for  the 
defence  of  the  stores  were  commenced. 

-According  to  the  closest  estimate,  the  number 

[78] 


Rorke's  Drift 

of  Zulus  who  attacked  Rorke's  Drift  was  about 
four  thousand,  composed  of  Cetewayo's  Undi 
and  Udkloko  regiments,  and  about  four  hundred 
dead  bodies  were  buried  near  the  post  after  the 
attack.  The  wounded  were  all  carried  away 
from  the  field.  The  loss  of  the  garrison  was 
fifteen  killed  and  twelve  wounded,  of  whom  two 
died  almost  immediately. 


[79] 


IV 

Maiwand  and  Candahar.     The 
Second   Afghan   War 

August  —  September,    1880 
By  ARCHIBALD  FORBES 

IN  the  early  days  of  August,  1880,  it  seemed 
that  the  long,  bitter  struggle  was  at  last  on 
the  eve  of  being  ended.  Sir  Frederick 
Roberts  was  the  master  of  the  region  around 
Cabul.  Sir  Donald  Stewart,  having  marched 
up  from  Candahar  and  fought  on  the  way  the 
brilliant  battle  of  Ahmed  Kehl,  was  now  at  Cabul 
in  chief  command.  Mr.  Griffin  had  announced 
the  recognition  by  the  Viceroy  of  India  and  the 
Government  of  the  Queen  Empress,  of  Abdur- 
rahman Khan  as  Ameer  of  Cabul.  The  date 
of  the  evacuation  of  Cabul  by  the  British  troops 
had  been  approximately  fixed,  and  it  seemed  all 
but  certain  that  before  the  end  of  the  month  both 
Stewart  and  Roberts  should  have  re-entered 
British  India  with  their  brave  but  war-worn 
regiments.  But  those  arrangements  were  sud- 
denly and  ominously  dislocated  by  the  tidings 
which  reached  the  British  headquarters  at 
Sherpur  by  telegraph,  intimating  the  utter  defeat 

[80] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

at  Maiwand  of  the  force  commanded  by  General 
Burrows  in  the  region  between  the  Helmund 
and  Candahar. 

In  the  early  spring  of  1880  Sir  Donald  Stewart 
had  quitted  Candahar  with  the  Bengal  division 
of  his  force,  leaving  there  the  Bombay  division, 
to  the  command  of  which  General  Primrose  ac- 
ceded, General  Phayre  assuming  charge  of  the 
communications.  It  was  known  that  Ayoub 
Khan  was  making  hostile  operations  at  Herat. 
Shere  Ali  Khan,  who  had  been  Governor  of 
Candahar  during  Sir  Donald  Stewart's  residence 
there,  had  been  nominated  hereditary  ruler  of 
the  province,  with  the  title  of  "Wali,"  when  it 
was  determined  to  separate  Candahar  from 
Northeastern  Afghanistan.  On  June  21  the 
Wali,  who  had  some  days  earlier  crossed  the 
Helmund  and  occupied  Girishk  with  his  troops, 
reported  that  Ayoub  was  actually  on  the  march 
towards  the  Candahar  frontier,  and  asked  for 
the  support  of  a  British  brigade  to  enable  him  to 
cope  with  the  hostile  advance.  There  was  war- 
rant for  the  belief  that  the  Wali's  troops  were 
disaffected,  and  that  he  was  in  no  condition  to 
meet  Ayoub' s  army  with  any  likelihood  of 
success. 

After  Stewart's  departure  the  strength  of 
the  British  forces  at  Candahar  was  dangerously 
low,  amounting  to  but  forty-seven  hundred  of  all 

[81] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

ranks;  but  it  was  of  great  importance  to  arrest 
Ayoub's  offensive  movement,  and  a  brigade 
consisting  of  a  troop  of  horse  artillery,  six  com- 
panies of  the  Sixty-sixth  Regiment,  two  Bombay 
native  infantry  regiments,  and  five  hundred 
native  troopers  —  in  all  about  twenty-three  hun- 
dred strong,  under  the  command  of  Brigadier 
Burrows  —  reached  the  left  bank  of  the  Hel- 
mund  on  July  11.  On  the  13th  the  Wali's  in- 
fantry, two  thousand  strong,  mutinied  en  masse, 
and  marched  away  up  the  right  bank  of  the  river, 
taking  with  them  a  battery  of  smooth-bore  guns 
which  was  a  present  to  Shere  Ali  Khan  from  the 
British  Government.  His  cavalry  did  not  be- 
have quite  so  badly,  but  in  effect  his  army  no 
longer  existed,  and  Burrows's  brigade  was  the 
only  force  in  the  field  to  resist  the  advance  of 
Ayoub  Khan,  whose  regular  troops  were  re- 
ported to  number  four  thousand  cavalry  and 
from  four  thousand  to  five  thousand  infantry, 
exclusive  of  the  two  thousand  deserters  from  the 
Wali,  with  thirty  guns  and  an  irregular  force  of 
uncertain  strength. 

Burrows  promptly  recaptured  from  Wali's 
infantry  the  battery  they  were  carrying  off,  and 
punished  them  severely  in  their  retreat.  The 
mutineers  had  removed  or  destroyed  the  sup- 
plies which  the  Wali  had  accumulated  for  the 
use  of  the  British  brigade,  and  Burrows  therefore 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

could  no  longer  remain  in  the  vicinity  of  Girishk. 
It  was  determined  to  fall  back  upon  Khushk-i- 
Nakhud,  a  position  distant  thirty  miles  from 
Girishk  and  forty-five  from  Candahar  —  a  point 
where  several  roads  from  the  Helmund  con- 
verged, and  where  supplies  were  plentiful.  At 
and  about  Khushk-i-Nakhud  the  brigade  re- 
mained from  the  16th  until  the  morning  of  the 
27th  of  July. 

While  waiting  and  watching  there,  a  despatch 
from  army  headquarters  at  Simla  was  com- 
municated to  General  Burrows  from  Can- 
dahar, authorizing  him  to  attack  Ayoub  if  he 
considered  himself  strong  enough  to  beat  him, 
and  informing  him  that  it  was  regarded  of  the 
greatest  political  importance  that  the  force  from 
Herat  should  be  dispersed  and  prevented  from 
moving  in  the  direction  of  Ghuzni.  Spies 
brought  in  news  that  Ayoub  had  reached  Girishk 
and  was  distributing  his  force  along  the  right 
bank  of  the  Helmund  between  that  place  and 
Hyderabad.  Cavalry  patrols  failed  to  find  the 
enemy  until  the  21st,  when  a  detachment  was 
encountered  in  the  village  of  Sangbur  on  the 
northern  road  about  midway  between  the  Hel- 
mund and  Khushk-i-Nakhud.  Next  day  that 
village  was  found  more  strongly  occupied,  and 
on  the  23d  a  reconnaissance  in  force  came  upon 
a  body  of  Ayoub's  horsemen  in  the  plain  below 

[83] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

the  Garmao  hills  about  midway  between  Sang- 
bur  and  Maiwand. 

Those  discoveries  should  have  afforded  toler- 
ably clear  indications  of  Ayoub's  intention  to 
turn  Burrows's  position  by  moving  along  the 
northern  road  to  Maiwand  and  thence  pressing 
through  the  Maiwand  Pass,  until  at  Singiri 
Ayoub's  army  should  have  interposed  itself  be- 
tween the  British  brigade  and  Candahar.  Why, 
in  the  face  of  the  information  at  his  disposal  and 
of  the  precautions  enjoined  on  him  to  hinder 
Ayoub  from  slipping  by  him  towards  Ghuzni 
through  Maiwand  and  up  the  Khakrez  valley, 
General  Burrows  should  have  remained  so  long 
at  Khushk-i-Nakhud,  is  not  intelligible.  He 
was  stirred  at  length  on  the  afternoon  of  the  26th 
by  the  report  that  two  thousand  of  Ayoub's  cav- 
alry and  a  large  body  of  his  Ghazis  were  in  pos- 
session of  Garmao  and  Maiwand,  and  were  to 
be  promptly  followed  by  Ayoub  himself  with  the 
main  body  of  his  army,  his  reported  intention 
being  to  push  on  through  the  Maiwand  Pass 
and  reach  the  Urgandab  valley  in  rear  of  the 
British  brigade.  Later  in  the  day  Colonel  St. 
John,  the  political  officer,  reported  to  General 
Burrows  the  intelligence  which  had  reached  him 
that  the  whole  of  Ayoub's  army  was  at  Sarigbur, 
but  credence  was  not  given  to  this  important 
information. 

[84] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

It  was  on  the  morning  of  the  27th  that  at 
length  the  tardy  resolution  was  taken  to  march 
upon  Maiwand.  The  expectation  was  indulged 
that  the  brigade  would  arrive  at  that  place  before 
the  enemy  should  have  occupied  it  in  force;  and 
that  this  point  made  good,  there  might  occur  an 
opportunity  to  drive  out  of  Garmao  the  body  of 
Ayoub's  cavalry  in  possession  there.  There 
was  a  further  reason  .why  Maiwand  should  be 
promptly  occupied:  the  brigade  had  been  ob- 
taining its  supplies  from  that  village  and  there 
was  still  a  quantity  of  grain  in  its  vicinity,  to  lose 
which  would  be  unfortunate.  The  brigade,  now 
twenty-six  hundred  strong,  struck  camp  on  the 
morning  of  the  27th. 

The  march  to  Maiwand  was  .twelve  miles 
long,  and  an  earlier  start  than  6.30  A.M. 
would  have  been  judicious.  The  soldiers 
marched  smartly,  but  halts  from  time  to  time 
were  necessary  to  allow  the  baggage  to  come 
up:  the  hostile  state  of  the  country  did  not 
admit  of  anything  being  left  behind,  and  the 
column  was  encumbered  by  a  great  quantity  of 
stores  and  baggage.  At  Karezah,  eight  miles 
from  Khushk-i-Nakhud  and  four  miles  south- 
west of  Maiwand,  information  was  brought  in 
that  the  whole  of  Ayoub's  army  was  close  by  on 
the  left  front  of  the  brigade  and  marching 
towards  Maiwand.  Burrows's  spies  had  pre- 
185] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

viously  proved  themselves  so  untrustworthy  that 
little  heed  was  taken  of  this  report,  but  a  little 
later  a  cavalry  reconnaissance  found  large  bodies 
of  horsemen  moving  in  the  direction  indicated, 
and  inclining  away  towards  Garmao  as  the 
brigade  advanced.  A  thick  haze  made  it  im- 
possible to  discern  what  force,  if  any,  was  being 
covered  by  the  hostile  cavalry.  About  10  A.M. 
the  advance  guard  occupied  the  village  of  Mah- 
mudabad,  about  three  miles  southwest  of  Mai- 
wand.  West  of  Mahmudabad  and  close  to  the 
village  was  a  broad  and  deep  ravine  running 
north  and  south.  Beyond  this  ravine  was  a 
wide  expanse  of  level  and  partially  cultivated 
plain,  across  which,  almost  entirely  concealed 
by  the  haze,  Ayoub's  army  was  marching  east- 
ward towards  Maiwand  village,  which  covers 
the  western  entrance  to  the  pass  of  the  same 
name.  If  General  Burrows's  eye  could  have 
penetrated  that  haze,  probably  he  would  have 
considered  it  prudent  to  take  up  a  defenisve  posi- 
tion, for  which  Mahmudabad  presented  not  a 
few  advantages.  But  he  remained  firm  in  the 
conviction  that  the  enemy's  guns  were  not  yet 
up,  notwithstanding  the  reports  of  spies  to  the 
contrary;  he  believed  that  a  favorable  oppor- 
tunity presented  itself  for  taking  the  initiative, 
and  he  determined  to  attack  with  all  practicable 
speed. 

[86] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

Lieutenant  Maclaine,  of  the  Horse  Artillery,  a 
gallant  young  officer  who  was  soon  to  meet  a 
melancholy  fate,  precipitated  events  in  a  some- 
what reckless  fashion.  With  the  two  guns  he 
commanded  he  dashed  across  the  ravine,  gal- 
loped athwart  the  plain,  and  came  into  action 
against  a  body  of  Afghan  cavalry  which  had  just 
come  into  view.  Brigadier  Nuttall,  command- 
ing the  cavalry  and  horse  artillery,  failing  to  re- 
call the  impetuous  Maclaine,  sent  forward  in 
support  of  him  the  four  remaining  guns  of  the 
battery.  Those  approached  to  within  eight 
hundred  yards  of  the  two  advanced  pieces,  and 
Maclaine  was  directed  to  fall  back  upon  the  bat- 
tery pending  the  arrival  of  the  brigade,  which 
General  Burrows  was  now  sending  forward. 

It  crossed  the  ravine  near  Mahmudabad,  ad- 
vanced over  the  plain  about  a  mile  in  a  north- 
westerly direction,  and  then  formed  up.  There 
ensued  several  changes  in  the  preliminary  dis- 
positions. When  the  engagement  became  warm, 
about  noon,  the  formation  was  as  follows:  The 
Sixty-sixth  was  on  the  right,  its  right  flank 
thrown  back  to  check  an  attempt  made  to  turn 
it  by  a  rush  of  Ghazis  springing  out  of  the  ravine 
in  the  British  front;  on  the  left  of  the  Sixty-sixth 
were  four  companies  of  Jacob's  Rifles  (Thirtieth 
Native  Infantry)  and  a  company  of  sappers;  the 
center  was  occupied  by  the  horse  artillery  and 

[87] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

smooth-bore  guns,  of  which  latter,  however,  two 
had  been  moved  to  the  right  flank;  on  the  left 
of  the  guns  were  the  First  Grenadiers,  and 
on  the  extreme  left  two  companies  of  Jacob's 
Rifles  formed  en  potence.  The  cavalry  was 
in  rear,  engaged  in  half-hearted  efforts  to 
prevent  the  Afghans  from  taking  the  British 
infantry  in  reverse.  The  position  of  the  British 
brigade  was  radically  faulty,  and  indeed  invited 
disaster.  Both  flanks  were  en  Fair  in  face  of  an 
enemy  of  greatly  superior  strength;  almost  from 
the  first  every  rifle  was  in  the  fighting  line,  and 
the  sole  reserve  consisted  of  the  two  cavalry 
corps.  The  baggage  had  followed  the  brigade 
across  the  ravine,  and  was  halted  about  a  thou- 
sand yards  in  rear  of  the  right,  inadequately 
guarded  by  detachments  of  cavalry. 

For  hah0  an  hour  no  reply  was  made  by  the 
enemy  to  the  British  shell-fire,  and  it  is  possible 
that  an  energetic  offensive  movement  might  at 
this  time  have  resulted  in  success.  But  pres- 
ently battery  after  battery  was  brought  into 
action  by  the  Afghans,  until  half  an  hour  after 
noon  the  fire  of  thirty  guns  was  concentrated  on 
the  brigade.  Under  cover  of  this  artillery-fire  ' 
the  Ghazis  from  the  ravine  in  front  charged  for- 
ward to  within  five  hundred  yards  of  the  Sixty- 
sixth,  but  the  rifle-fire  of  the  British  regiment 
drove  them  back  with  heavy  slaughter,  and  they; 

[88]    " 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

recoiled  as  far  as  the  ravine,  whence  they  main- 
tained a  desultory  fire.  The  enemy's  artillery- 
fire  was  well  sustained  and  effective:  the  in- 
fantry found  some  protection  from  it  in  lying 
down,  but  the  artillery  and  cavalry  remained 
exposed  and  suffered  severely.  An  artillery 
duel  was  carried  on  for  two  hours,  greatly  to  the 
disadvantage  of  the  brigade,  which  had  but 
twelve  guns  in  action  against  thirty  well-served 
Afghan  pieces. 

The  prostrate  infantry  had  escaped  serious 
punishment,  but  by  2  P.M.  the  cavalry  had 
lost  fourteen  per  cent,  of  the  men  in  the  front 
line  and  one  hundred  and  forty-nine  horses;  the 
Afghan  cavalry  had  turned  both  of  the  Brit- 
ish flanks,  and  the  brigade  was  all  but  sur- 
rounded, whilst  a  separate  attack  was  being 
made  on  the  baggage.  Heat  and  want  of  water 
were  telling  heavily  upon  the  Sepoys,  who  were 
further  demoralized  by  the  Afghan  artillery-fire. 

A  little  later  the  smooth-bore  guns  had  to  be 
withdrawn  because  of  the  expenditure  of  their 
ammunition.  This  was  the  signal  for  the  gen- 
eral advance  of  the  Afghans.  Their  guns  were 
pushed  forward  with  great  boldness;  their  cav- 
alry streamed  round  the  British  left;  in  the  right 
rear  were  masses  of  mounted  and  dismounted 
irregulars  who  had  seized  the  villagers  on  the 
British  line  of  retreat.  Swarms  of  Ghazis  soon 

[89] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

showed  themselves,  threatening  the  center  and 
left;  those  in  front  of  the  Sixty-sixth  were  still 
held  in  check  by  the  steady  volleys  fired  by  that 
regiment.  At  sight  of  the  fanatic  Ghazis  and 
cowed  by  the  heavy  artillery  fire  and  the  loss  of 
their  officers,  the  two  companies  of  Jacob's  Rifles 
on  the  left  flank  suddenly  fell  into  confusion, 
and  broke  into  the  ranks  of  the  Grenadiers. 

That  regiment  had  behaved  well,  but  now  it 
caught  the  infection  of  demoralization;  the  whole 
left  collapsed,  and  the  Sepoys  in  utter  panic,  sur- 
rounded by  and  intermingled  with  the  Ghazis, 
rolled  in  a  great  wave  upon  the  right.  The 
artillerymen  and  sappers  made  a  gallant  stand, 
fighting  the  Ghazis  hand-to-hand  with  hand- 
spikes and  rammers,  while  the  guns  poured 
canister  into  the  advancing  Afghan  masses. 
Slade  reluctantly  limbered  up  and  took  his  four 
horse-guns  out  of  action;  Maclaine  remained  in 
action  until  the  Ghazis  were  at  the  muzzles  of 
his  two  guns,  which  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands. 
The  torrent  of  mingled  Sepoys  and  Ghazis  broke 
in  upon  the  Sixty-sixth,  and  overwhelmed  that 
gallant  and  devoted  regiment.  The  slaughter 
of  the  Sepoys  was  appalling:  so  utterly  cowed 
were  they  that  they  scarcely  attempted  to  de- 
fend themselves,  and  allowed  themselves  without 
resistance  to  be  dragged  out  of  the  ranks  and 
slaughtered.  A  cavalry  charge  was  ordered  in 

[90] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

the  direction  of  the  captured  guns,  but  it  failed, 
and  the  troopers  retired  in  disorder.  The  in- 
fantry, assailed  by  hordes  of  fierce  and  trium- 
phant fanatics,  staggered  away  to  the  right,  the 
Sixty-sixth  alone  maintaining  any  show  of  forma- 
tion until  the  ravine  was  crossed,  when  the 
broken  remnants  of  the  Sepoy  regiments  took 
to  flight  towards  the  east,  and  the  general's 
efforts  to  rally  them  proved  wholly  unavailing. 
The  Sixty-sixth,  with  some  of  the  sappers  and 
Grenadiers,  made  a  gallant  rally  round  its  colors 
in  an  enclosure  near  the  village  of  Khig.  There 
Colonel  Galbraith  and  several  of  his  officers  were 
killed,  and  the  little  body  of  brave  men,  becom- 
ing out-flanked,  continued  its  retreat,  making 
stand  after  stand  until  most  were  slain.  The 
Afghans  pursued  for  about  four  miles,  but  were 
checked  by  a  detachment  of  rallied  cavalry,  and 
then  desisted.  The  fugitive  force,  forming  with 
wounded  and  baggage  a  straggling  column  up- 
wards of  six  miles  long,  crossed  the  waterless 
desert  sixteen  miles  wide  to  Haurs-i-Madat, 
which  was  reached  about  midnight  and  where 
water  was  found.  From  Asu  Khan,  where  cul- 
tivation began,  to  Kokoran,  near  Candahar,  the 
retreat  was  harassed  by  armed  villagers,  and  the 
troops  had  to  fight  more  or  less  all  the  way. 
Officers  and  men  were  killed,  Lieutenant  Mac- 
laine  was  taken  prisoner,  and  five  of  the  smooth- 

[91] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

bore  guns  had  to  be  abandoned  because  of  the 
exhaustion  of  the  teams.  About  midday  of  the 
twenty-eighth  the  shattered  remains  of  the 
brigade  reached  Candahar.  When  the  casual- 
ties were  ascertained,  it  became  evident  how 
disastrous  to  the  British  arms  had  been  the  com- 
bat of  Maiwand.  Out  of  a  total  of  twenty-four 
hundred  and  seventy-six  engaged,  no  fewer 
than  nine  hundred  and  sixty-four  were  killed. 
The  wounded  numbered  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
seven;  three  hundred  and  thirty-one  followers 
and  two  hundred  and  one  horses  were  killed, 
and  seven  followers  and  sixty- eight  horses  were 
wounded.  Since  Chillianwallah  the  British 
arms  in  Asia  had  not  suffered  loss  so  severe. 

The  spirit  of  the  Candahar  force  suffered 
materially  from  the  Maiwand  disaster,  and  it 
was  held  that  there  was  no  alternative  but  to  ac- 
cept a  siege  within  the  fortified  city.  The  can- 
tonments were  abandoned;  the  whole  force  was 
withdrawn  into  Candahar,  and  was  detailed  for 
duty  on  the  city  walls.  The  effective  garrison 
on  the  night  of  the  28th  numbered  forty-three 
hundred  and  sixty,  including  the  survivors  of  the 
Maiwand  misfortune.  So  alert  were  the  Af- 
ghans that  a  cavalry  reconnaissance  made  on 
the  morning  of  the  29th  found  the  cantonments 
plundered  and  partly  burned  and  the  vicinity  of 
Candahar  swarming  with  armed  men.  The 

[92] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

whole  Afghan  population,  amounting  to  about 
twelve  thousand  persons,  was  compelled  to  leave 
the  city,  and  then  the  work  of  placing  it  in  a  state 
of  defence  was  energetically  undertaken.  Build- 
ings and  enclosures  affording  cover  too  close  to 
the  enceinte  were  razed,  communication  along 
the  walls  was  opened  up,  and  gun-platforms 
were  constructed  in  the  more  commanding  posi- 
tions. The  weak  places  as  well  as  the  gates  were 
faced  with  abattis,  the  defects  were  made  good 
with  sandbags,  and  wire  entanglements  and 
other  obstacles  were  laid  down  outside  the  walls. 
The  covering  parties  were  in  daily  collision  with 
the  enemy,  and  occasional  sharp  skirmishes 
occurred. 

On  August  8  Ayoub  opened  fire  on  the  citadel 
from  Piquet  hill,  an  elevation  northwestward  of 
the  city,  and  a  few  days  later  he  brought  guns 
into  action  from  the  villages  of  Deh  Khoja  and 
Deh  Khati  on  the  east  and  south.  This  fire  had 
little  effect,  and  the  return  fire  gave  good  results. 
It  was  not  easy  to  invest  the  city,  since  on  the 
west  and  north  there  was  no  cover  for  the  be- 
siegers; but  in  Deh  Khoja  on  the  east  there  was 
ample  protection  for  batteries,  and  the  ground 
on  the  southwest  was  very  favorable.  Deh  Khoja 
was  inconveniently  near  the  Cabul  gate  of  the 
city,  and  it  was  always  full  of  men.  So  menacing 
was  the  attitude  of  the  Afghans  that  a  sortie  was 

[93] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

resorted  to  against  the  village,  which  was  con- 
ducted with  resolution  but  resulted  in  utter 
failure.  The  attempt  was  made  on  the  morning 
of  the  16th.  The  cavalry  went  out  to  hinder 
reinforcements  from  entering  the  village  to  the 
eastward.  An  infantry  force,  eight  hundred 
strong,  commanded  by  that  gallant  soldier 
Brigadier-General  Brooke,  moved  out  later  cov- 
ered by  a  heavy  artillery-fire  from  the  city  walls. 
The  village  was  reached,  but  was  so  full  of 
enemies  in  occupation  of  the  fortress-like  houses 
that  it  was  found  untenable.  In  the  course  of 
the  retirement  General  Brooke  and  Captain 
Cruickshank  were  killed.  The  casualties  were 
very  heavy:  one  hundred  and  six  were  killed, 
and  one  hundred  and  seventeen  were  wounded. 

The  tidings  of  the  Maiwand  disaster  reached 
Cabul  on  the  29th  of  July  by  telegram  from 
Simla.  The  intention  of  the  military  authori- 
ties had  already  been  intimated  that  the  Cabul 
force  should  evacuate  Afghanistan  in  two  sep- 
arate bodies  and  by  two  distinct  routes.  Sir 
Donald  Stewart  was  to  march  one  party  by  the 
Khyber  route;  the  other,  under  Sir  Frederick 
Roberts,  was  to  retire  by  the  Kuram  valley, 
which  Watson's  division  had  been  garrisoning 
since  Roberts  had  crossed  the  Shaturgardan  in 
September,  1879.  But  the  Maiwand  news  in- 

[94] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

terfered  with  those  dispositions.  Stewart  and 
Roberts  concurred  in  the  necessity  of  retrieving 
the  Maiwand  disaster  by  the  despatch  of  a  divi- 
sion from  Cabul. 

Roberts  promptly  offered  to  command  that 
division,  and  as  promptly  the  offer  was  ac- 
cepted by  Stewart.  By  arrangement  with 
the  latter,  Roberts  telegraphed  to  Simla  urg- 
ing that  a  force  should  be  despatched  from 
Cabul  to  Candahar  without  delay;  and  rec- 
ognizing that  the  authorities  might  hesitate 
to  send  on  this  errand  troops  already  under 
orders  to  return  to  India,  he  took  it  on  himself 
to  guarantee  that  none  of  the  soldiers  would 
demur  provided  he  should  be  authorized  to  give 
the  assurance  that  after  the  work  in  the  field  was 
over  they  would  not  be  detained  in  garrison  at 
Candahar.  The  Viceroy's  sanction  came  on 
August  3.  The  constitution  and  equipment  of 
the  force  were  entrusted  to  the  two  generals; 
and  in  reply  to  questions  his  Excellency  was  in- 
formed that  Roberts  would  march  on  the  8th 
instant,  and  expected  to  reach  Candahar  on  the 
2d  of  September.  Sir  Donald  Stewart  chival- 
rously gave  his  junior  full  freedom  to  select  the 
troops  to  accompany  him,  and  placed  at  his  dis- 
posal the  entire  resources  of  the  army  in  trans- 
port and  equipment. 

It  cannot    truly    be    said    that    it    was    the 

[95] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

elite  of  the  Cabul  field  force  which  constituted 
the  column  led  by  Roberts  on  his  famous 
march  to  Candahar.  Of  the  native  infantry 
regiments  of  his  own  original  force  which  he 
had  mustered  eleven  months  previously  in 
the  Kuram  valley,  only  two  followed  him  to 
Candahar.  The  second  mountain-battery  ad- 
hered to  him  staunchly.  Of  his  original  white 
troops  the  Ninth  Lancers,  as  ever,  were  ready 
for  the  march.  His  senior  European  infantry 
regiment,  the  Sixty-seventh,  would  fain  have 
gone,  but  the  good  old  corps  was  weak  from 
casualties  and  sickness,  and  the  gallant  Knowles 
denied  himself  in  the  interests  of  his  men.  Rob- 
erts's  two  Highland  regiments  had  done  an 
infinity  of  marching  and  fighting;  but  both  had 
received  strong  drafts,  were  in  fine  condition, 
and  were  not  to  be  hindered  from  following  the 
chief  whom  they  swore  by  as  one  man. 

Sir  Frederick  Roberts  had  already  represented 
that  it  would  be  impolite  to  require  the  native 
regiments  to  remain  absent  from  India  and  their 
homes  for  a  longer  period  than  two  years.  In 
the  case  of  many  of  the  regiments  that  term  was 
closely  approached,  and  the  men  after  prolonged 
absence  and  arduous  toil  needed  rest,  and  were 
longing  to  rejoin  their  families.  It  was  not  with 
eager  desire  that  the  honor  of  marching  to  Can- 
dahar was  claimed.  The  enthusiasm  which 

[96] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

carried  Roberts' s  force  with  exceptional  rapidity 
to  Candahar  was  an  aftergrowth  evolved  by  the 
enterprise  itself,  and  came  as  a  response  to  the 
unfailing  spirit  which  animated  the  leader  him- 
self. Colonel  Chapman,  R.A.,  who  had  served 
in  the  same  capacity  with  Sir  Donald  Stewart, 
was  now  Roberts' s  chief-of -staff.  The  march- 
ing-out strength  of  the  column  was  about  ten 
thousand  men,  of  whom  twenty-eight  hundred  and 
thirty-five  were  Europeans.  Speed  was  an  ob- 
ject, and  since  the  column  might  have  to  traverse 
rough  ground,  no  wheeled  artillery  or  transport 
accompanied  it :  the  guns  were  carried  on  mules, 
the  baggage  was  severely  cut  down,  the  supplies 
were  reduced  to  a  minimum,  and  the  transport 
animals,  numbering  eighty-five  hundred  and 
ninety,  consisted  of  mules,  ponies,  and  donkeys. 
It  was  known  that  the  country  could  supply 
flour,  sheep,  and  forage. 

The  time  named  for  the  departure  of  the 
marching  column  from  Sherpur  was  kept  to  the 
day,  thanks  to  assiduous  organization.  On 
August  8  the  brigades  moved  out  a  short  dis- 
tance into  camp,  and  on  the  following  morning 
the  long  march  began  in  earnest.  The  distance 
from  Cabul  to  Candahar  is  about  three  hundred 
and  twenty  miles,  and  the  march  naturally  divided 
itself  into  three  parts:  —  From  Cabul  to  Ghuzni, 
ninety-eight  miles;  from  Ghuzni  to  Khelat-i- 

f97l 


Famous  Battle    ^  the  XIXTH  Century 

Ghilzai,  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  miles;  and 
from  Khelat-i-Ghilzai  to  Candahar,  eighty-eight 
miles.  Ghuzni  was  reached  on  the  seventh 
day,  the  daily  average  being  fourteen  miles  — 
excellent  work  for  troops  unseasoned  to  long, 
continuous  travel,  tramping  steadily  in  a  tem- 
perature of  from  84°  to  92°  in  the  shade.  When 
possible  the  force  moved  on  a  broad  front,  the 
brigades  and  regiments  leading  in  rotation,  and 
halts  were  made  at  specified  intervals.  The 
" rouse"  sounded  at  2.45  A.M.,  and  the  march 
began  at  four;  the  troops  were  generally  in  camp 
by  2  P.M.,  and  the  baggage  was  ordinarily  re- 
ported all  up  by  five;  but  the  rear-guard  had 
both  hard  work  and  long  hours.  Nowhere  was 
there  any  indication  of  opposition;  not  a  single 
load  of  baggage  was  left  behind,  comparatively 
few  men  fell  out  footsore,  and  the  troops  were 
steadily  increasing  in  endurance  and  capacity 
for  rapid  and  continuous  marching. 

At  Ghuzni  there  was  no  rest-day,  and  the 
steadfast,  dogged  march  was  resumed  on  the 
morning  of  the  16th.  The  strain  of  this  day's 
long  tramp  of  twenty  miles  to  Yarghatta  was 
severe,  but  the  men  rallied  gamely,  and  the  gen- 
eral, by  dint  of  care  and  expedient,  was  able  to 
keep  up  the  high  pressure.  The  method  of 
marching  employed  individual  intelligence  and 
called  on  all  for  exertion  in  overcoming  the 

[98] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

difficulties  of  the  march,  in  bearing  its  extraor- 
dinary toil,  and  in  aiding  the  accomplishment 
of  the  paramount  object.  On  the  20th,  a  dis- 
tance of  twenty-one  miles  was  covered  —  the 
longest  day's  march  made.  The  effort  was  dis- 
tressing owing  to  the  heat  and  lack  of  shade,  but 
it  was  enforced  by  the  absence  of  water.  There 
was  no  relaxation  in  the  rate  of  marching,  and 
Khelat-i-Ghilzai  was  reached  on  the  eighth  day 
from  Ghuzni,  showing  a  daily  average  of  nearly 
seventeen  miles. 

The  24th  was  a  halt-day  at  Khelat-i-Ghilzai, 
where  Sir  Frederick  Roberts  received  a  letter 
from  General  Primrose  in  Candahar  describing 
the  unfortunate  sortie  on  the  Deh  Khoja  village 
and  giving  details  of  his  situation.  It  was  re- 
solved to  evacuate  Khelat-i-Ghilzai  and  carry 
forward  its  garrison  with  the  column,  which  on 
the  25th  resumed  its  march  on  Candahar.  On 
his  arrival  at  Tirandaz  on  the  following  day, 
the  general  found  a  letter  from  Candahar  in- 
forming him  that  at  the  news  of  the  approach 
of  the  Cabul  force  Ayoub  Khan  had  withdrawn 
from  his  investment  of  Candahar,  and  had 
shifted  his  camp  to  the  village  of  Mazra  in  the 
Urgandab  valley,  nearly  due  north  of  Candahar. 
On  the  morning  of  the  27th,  General  Hugh 
Gough  was  sent  forward  with  two  cavalry  regi- 
ments a  distance  of  thirty-four  miles  to  Robat, 

[99] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

the  main  column  moving  on  to  Khel  Akhund, 
half-way  to  the  earlier-named  place.  Gough 
was  accompanied  by  Captain  Straton,  the  prin- 
cipal signalling  officer  of  the  force,  who  was  suc- 
cessful in  communicating  with  Candahar;  and 
the  same  afternoon  Colonel  St.  John,  Major 
Leach,  and  Major  Adam  rode  out  to  Robat, 
bringing  the  information  that  Ayoub  Khan  was 
engaged  in  strengthening  his  position  in  the 
Urgandab  valley,  and  apparently  had  the  inten- 
tion of  risking  the  issue  of  a  battle.  On  the 
28th  the  whole  force  was  concentrated  at  Robat; 
and  as  it  was  desirable  that  the  troops  should 
reach  Candahar  fresh  and  ready  for  prompt 
action,  the  general  wisely  decided  to  make  the 
29th  a  rest-day  and  to  divide  the  nineteen  miles 
from  Robat  to  Candahar  into  two  short  marches. 
The  long  forced  march  from  Cabul  may  be  re- 
garded as  having  ended  at  Robat.  The  dis- 
tance between  those  two  extremities,  three  hun- 
dred and  three  miles,  had  been  covered  in  twenty 
days.  It  is  customary  in  a  long  march  to  allow 
two  rest-days  in  each  week,  but  Roberts  had 
granted  his  force  but  a  single  rest-day  in  the 
twenty  days  of  its  strenuous  marching.  In- 
cluding this  rest-day,  the  average  daily  march 
was  a  fraction  over  fifteen  miles.  As  a  feat  of 
marching  by  a  regular  force  of  ten  thousand  men 
encumbered  with  baggage,  transport,  and  fol- 

[100] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

lowers,  this  achievement  is  unique,  and  could 
have  been  accomplished  only  by  thorough  or- 
ganization and  steady,  vigorous  energy.  Sir 
Frederick  Roberts  was  so  fortunate  as  to  en- 
counter no  opposition  that  might  delay  or  hinder 
his  progress.  For  this  immunity  he  was  in- 
debted mainly  to  the  stern  lessons  given  to  the 
tribesmen  by  Sir  Donald  Stewart  at  Ahmed- 
Kehl  and  Urzoo  while  that  resolute  soldier  was 
marching  from  Candahar  to  Cabul,  and  in  a 
measure  also  to  the  good  offices  of  the  new 
Ameer. 

But  it  must  be  pointed  out  that  he  had 
no  assurance  of  exemption  from  hostile  efforts 
to  block  his  path,  and  that  he  marched  ever 
ready  to  fight.  It  will  long  be  remembered 
how,  after  Roberts  had  started  on  the  long, 
swift  march,  the  suspense  regarding  its  issue 
grew  and  swelled  until  the  strain  became  in- 
tense. The  safety  of  the  garrison  of  Candahar 
was  in  grave  hazard;  the  British  prestige,  im- 
paired by  the  disaster  of  Maiwand,  was  trem- 
bling in  the  balance.  The  days  passed,  and 
there  came  no  news  of  Roberts  and  of  the  ten 
thousand  men  with  whom  the  wise,  daring  little 
chief  had  cut  loose  from  any  base  and  struck  for 
his  goal  through  a  region  of  ill-repute  for  fanat- 
icism and  bitter  hostility.  Not  a  few  pessimists 
held  him  to  be  marching  on  his  ruin.  But  Rob- 

[101] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

erts  marched  light;  he  lived  on  what  the  country 
supplied;  he  gave  the  tribesmen  no  time  to  con- 
centrate against  him;  and  so,  two  days  in  ad- 
vance of  the  time  he  had  set  himself,  he  reached 
Candahar  at  the  head  of  a  force  in  full  freshness 
of  vigor  and  burning  with  ardor  for  immediate 
battle  under  their  trusted  leader. 

On  the  morning  of  August  31  the  force  reached 
Candahar.  Sir  Frederick  Roberts,  who  had 
been  suffering  from  fever  for  some  days,  was 
able  to  leave  his  dhooly  and  mount  his  horse  in 
time  to  meet  General  Primrose  and  his  officers 
to  the  eastward  of  Deh  Khoja.  The  troops 
halted  and  breakfasted  outside  the  Shikarpur 
gate  while  the  general  entered  the  city  and  paid 
a  visit  to  the  Wali,  Shere  Ali  Khan.  On  his 
arrival  he  assumed  command  of  the  troops  in 
Southern  Afghanistan;  and  he  remained  resting 
in  the  city  while  the  Cabul  force  was  marching 
to  its  selected  camping-ground  near  the  de- 
stroyed cantonments  to  the  northwest  of  Can- 
dahar. A  few  shots  were  fired,  but  the  ground 
was  taken  up  without  opposition.  Baker's 
brigade  was  on  the  right,  in  rear  of  Piquet  hill; 
in  the  center  was  Macpherson's  brigade,  cov- 
ered to  its  front  by  Karez  hill;  and  on  the  left 
among  orchards  and  enclosures  was  Macgregor's 
brigade,  in  rear  of  which  was  the  cavalry. 

Although  Ayoub   Khan  had  broken   off  his 

[102] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

beleaguerment  of  Candahar,  he  had  withdrawn 
from  that  fortified  city  but  a  short  distance,  and 
the  position  which  he  had  taken  up  was  one  of 
considerable  strength.  The  Urgandab  valley  is 
separated  on  the  northwest  from  the  Candahar 
plain  by  a  long,  precipitous  spur  trending  south- 
west from  the  mountainous  mass  forming  the 
eastern  boundary  of  the  valley  farther  north. 
Where  the  spur  quits  the  main  range  due  north 
of  the  city,  the  Murcha  pass  affords  communi- 
cation between  Candahar  and  the  Urgandab 
valley.  The  spur,  its  summit  serrated  by  alter- 
nate heights  and  depressions,  is  again  crossed 
lower  down  by  an  easy  pass  known  as  the  Baba 
Wali  Kotal.  It  is  continued  beyond  this  saddle 
for  about  a  mile,  still  maintaining  its  southwest- 
erly trend,  never  losing  its  precipitous  character, 
and  steeply  escarped  on  its  eastern  face;  and  it 
finally  ends  in  the  plain  after  a  steep  descent  of 
several  hundred  feet.  The  section  of  it  from 
the  Baba  Wali  Kotal  to  its  southwestern  termina- 
tion is  known  as  the  Pir  Paimal  hill,  from  a  vil- 
lage of  that  name  in  the  valley  near  its  extremity. 
Ayoub  Khan  had  made  his  camp  near  the  vil- 
lage of  Mazra,  behind  the  curtain  formed  by 
the  spur  just  described,  and  about  a  mile  higher 
up  in  the  valley  than  the  point  at  which  the  spur 
is  crossed  by  the  road  over  the  Baba  Wali  Kotal. 
He  was  thus,  with  that  point  artificially  strength- 

[103] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

ened  and  defended  by  artillery,  well  protected 
against  a  direct  attack  from  the  direction  of  Can- 
dahar,  and  was  exposed  only  to  the  risk  of  a 
turning  movement  round  the  extremity  of  the 
Pir  Paimal  hill.  Such  a  movement  might  be 
made  the  reverse  of  easy.  A  force  advancing 
to  attempt  it  must  do  so  exposed  to  fire  from  the 
commanding  summit  of  the  Pir  Paimal;  around 
the  base  of  that  rugged  elevation  there  were 
several  plain-villages  and  an  expanse  of  enclosed 
orchards  and  gardens  which,  strongly  held,  were 
capable  of  stubborn  defence.  In  the  valley 
behind  the  Pir  Paimal  hill  there  was  the  lofty 
detached  Kharoti  hill,  the  fire  from  which  would 
meet  in  the  teeth  a  force  essaying  the  turning 
movement;  and  the  interval  between  the  two 
hills,  through  which  was  the  access  to  the  Mazra 
camps,  was  obstructed  by  deep  irrigation  chan- 
nels, the  banks  of  which  afforded  cover  for  de- 
fensive fire  and  could  be  swept  by  a  cross-fire 
from  the  hills  on  either  flank. 

Sir  Frederick  Roberts  had  perceived  at  a 
glance  that  a  direct  attack  on  Ayoub's  position 
by  the  Baba  Wali  Kotal  must  involve  very  heavy 
loss,  and  he  resolved  on  the  alternative  of  turn- 
ing the  Afghan  position.  A  reconnaissance  was 
made  on  the  afternoon  of  the  31st  by  General 
Gough,  accompanied  by  Colonel  Chapman. 
They  penetrated  to  within  a  short  distance  of 

[104] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

the  village  of  Pir  Paimal,  where  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  the  enemy  were  strongly  entrenched 
and  where  several  guns  were  unmasked.  A 
great  deal  of  valuable  information  was  obtained 
before  the  enemy  began  to  interfere  with  Gough's 
leisurely  withdrawal.  The  escorting  cavalry 
suffered  little,  but  the  Sikh  infantry  covering 
the  retirement  of  the  reconnaissance  were  hard 
pressed  by  great  masses  of  Afghan  regulars  and 
irregulars. 

So  boldly  did  the  enemy  come  on  that  the 
third  and  part  of  the  first  brigade  had  to 
come  into  action,  and  the  firing  did  not  cease 
until  the  evening.  The  enemy  were  clearly  in 
the  belief  that  the  reconnaissance  was  an  ad- 
vance in  force  which  they  had  been  able  to  check, 
and  indeed  drive  in;  and  they  were  opportunely 
audacious  in  the  misapprehension  that  they  had 
gained  a  success.  The  information  brought  in 
decided  the  general  to  attack  on  the  following 
morning;  and  having  matured  his  dispositions, 
he  explained  them  personally  to  his  commanding 
officers  in  the  early  morning  of  September  1. 
They  were  extremely  lucid,  and  the  plan  of 
attack  was  perfectly  simple.  The  Baba  Wali 
Kotal  was  to  be  plied  with  a  brisk  cannonade 
and  threatened  by  demonstrations  both  of  cav- 
alry and  of  infantry,  while  the  first  and  second 
brigades,  with  the  third  in  reserve,  were  to  turn 

[105] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

the  extremity  of  the  Pir  Paimal  hill,  force  the 
enemy's  right  in  the  interval  between  that  hill 
and  the  Kharoti  eminence  opposite,  take  in  re- 
verse the  Baba  Wali  Kotal,  and  pressing  on  up 
the  Urgandab  valley,  carry  Ayoub's  principal 
camp  at  Mazra.  The  Bombay  cavalry  brigade 
was  to  watch  the  roads  over  the  Murcha  and 
Baba  Wali  Kotal,  supported  by  infantry  and 
artillery  belonging  to  General  Primrose's  com- 
mand, part  of  which  was  also  detailed  for  the 
protection  of  the  city,  and  to  hold  the  ground 
from  which  the  Cabul  brigades  were  to  advance. 
General  Gough  was  to  take  the  cavalry  of  the 
Cabul  column  across  the  Urgandab,  so  as  to 
reach  by  a  wide  circuit  the  anticipated  line  of 
the  Afghan  retreat. 

Soon  after  9  A.M.  on  the  1st  September  the 
forty-pounder  on  the  right  of  Piquet  hill  began 
a  vigorous  cannonade  of  the  Baba  Wali  Kotal, 
which  was  sturdily  replied  to  by  the  three  field- 
guns  which  the  enemy  had  in  battery  on  that 
elevation.  It  had  been  early  apparent  that 
Ayoub's  army  was  in  great  heart,  and,  seem- 
ingly meditating  an  offensive  operation,  had 
•  moved  out  so  far  into  the  plain  as  to  occupy  the 
villages  of  Mulla  Sahibdad  opposite  the  British 
right  and  of  Gundigan  on  the  left  front  of  the 
British  left.  Both  villages  were  right  in  the 
fair-way  of  Roberts's  intended  line  of  advance; 

[106] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

they,  the  adjacent  enclosures,  and  the  interval 
between  the  villages  were  strongly  held;  and 
manifestly  the  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  force 
the  enemy  back  from  those  advanced  positions. 
Two  batteries  opened  a  heavy  shell-fire  on  the 
Sahibdad  village,  under  cover  of  which  Mac- 
pherson  advanced  his  brigade  against  it,  the 
Second  Goorkhas  and  Ninety-second  High- 
landers in  his  first  line.  Simultaneously  Baker 
moved  out  to  the  assault  of  Gundigan,  clearing 
the  gardens  and  orchards  between  him  and  that 
village,  and  keeping  touch  as  he  advanced  with 
the  first  brigade. 

The  shell-fire  compelled  the  Afghan  occupants 
of  Sahibdad  to  lie  close,  and  it  was  not  until  they 
were  near  the  village  that  Macpherson's  two 
leading  regiments  encountered  much  opposition. 
It  was  carried  at  the  bayonet-point  after  a  very 
stubborn  resistance;  the  place  was  swarming 
with  Ghazis  who  threw  their  lives  away  reck- 
lessly, and  continued  to  fire  on  the  British  sol- 
diers from  houses  and  cellars  after  the  streets 
had  been  cleared.  The  Ninety-second  lost  sev- 
eral men,  but  the  Afghans  were  severely  pun- 
ished --it  was  reported  that  two  hundred  were 
killed  in  this  village  alone.  While  a  detachment 
remained  to  clear  out  the  village,  the  brigade, 
under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  slopes  and  crest  of 
the  Pir  Paimal  hill,  moved  on  in  the  direction  of 

[107] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

that  hill's  southwestern  extremity,  the  progress 
of  the  troops  impeded  by  obstacles  in  the  shape 
of  dry  water-cuts,  orchards,  and  walled  enclo- 
sures, every  yard  of  which  was  infested  by  ene- 
mies and  had  to  be  made  good  by  steady  fighting. 

While  Macpherson  was  advancing  on  Sahib- 
dad,  Baker's  brigade  had  been  pushing  on 
through  complicated  lanes  and  walled  enclosures 
towards  the  village  of  Gundigan.  The  opposi- 
tion here  was  also  very  resolute.  The  Afghans 
held  their  ground  behind  loopholed  walls  which 
had  to  be  carried  by  storm,  and  they  did  not 
hesitate  to  take  the  offensive  by  making  vigorous 
counter-rushes.  Baker's  two  leading  regiments 
were  the  Seventy-second  and  the  Second  Sikhs. 
The  left  wing  of  the  former,  supported  by  the 
Fifth  Goorkhas,  the  old  and  tried  comrades  of 
the  Seventy-second,  assailed  and  took  the  village. 
Its  right  wing  fought  its  way  through  the  or- 
chards between  it  and  Sahibdad,  in  the  course 
of  which  work  it  came  under  a  severe  enfilading 
fire  from  a  loopholed  wall  which  the  Sikhs  on 
the  right  were  attempting  to  turn. 

Captain  Frome  and  several  men  had  been 
struck  down,  and  the  hot  fire  had  staggered 
the  Highlanders,  when  their  chief,  Colonel 
Brownlow,  came  up  on  foot.  That  gallant 
soldier  gave  the  word  for  a  rush,  and  immediately 
fell  mortally  wounded.  After  much  hard  fight- 

[108] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

ing  Baker's  brigade  got  forward  into  more 
open  country,  but  was  then  exposed  to  the  fire 
of  an  Afghan  battery  near  the  extremity  of  the 
Pir  Paimal  spur,  and  to  the  attacks  of  great 
bodies  of  Ghazis,  which  were  stoutly  withstood 
by  the  Sikhs  and  driven  off  by  a  bayonet  attack 
delivered  by  the  Highlanders. 

The  two  leading  brigades  had  accomplished 
the  first  portion  of  their  arduous  day's  work. 
They  were  now  in  alignment  with  each  other; 
and  the  task  before  them  was  to  accomplish  the 
turning  movement  round  the  steep  extremity  of 
the  Pir  Paimal  ridge.  Macpherson's  brigade, 
hugging  the  face  of  the  steep  elevation,  brought 
up  the  left  shoulder,  and  having  effected  the 
turning  movement,  swept  up  the  valley  and  car- 
ried the  village  of  Pir  Paimal  by  a  series  of 
rushes.  Here,  however,  Major  White  (now 
Commander-in-Chief  in  India),  commanding 
the  advance  of  the  Gordons,  found  himself  con- 
fronted by  great  masses  of  the  enemy,  who  ap- 
peared determined  to  make  a  resolute  stand 
about  their  guns  in  position  southwest  of  the 
Baba  Wali  Kotal. 

Reinforcements  were  observed  hurrying  up 
from  Ayoub's  standing  camp  at  Mazra,  and 
the  Afghan  guns  on  the  Kotal  had  been  re- 
versed so  that  their  fire  should  enfilade  the 
British  advance.  Discerning  that  in  such  cir- 

[109] 


cumstances  prompt  action  was  imperative, 
Macpherson  determined  to  storm  the  position 
without  waiting  for  reinforcements.  The  Ninety- 
second  under  Major  White  led  the  way,  covered 
by  the  fire  of  a  field-battery  and  supported  by 
the  Fifth  Goorkhas  and  the  Twenty-third  Pio- 
neers. Springing  from  out  a  watercourse  at  the 
challenge  of  their  leader,  the  Highlanders  rushed 
across  the  open  front.  The  Afghans,  sheltered 
by  high  banks,  fired  steadily  and  well ;  their  rifle- 
men from  the  Pir  Paimal  slopes  poured  in  a 
sharp  cross-fire;  their  guns  were  well  served. 

But  the  Scottish  soldiers  were  not  to  be  denied. 
Their  losses  were  severe,  but  they  took  the  Af- 
ghan guns  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and,  val- 
iantly supported  by  the  Goorkhas  and  Pioneers, 
shattered  and  dispersed  the  mass  of  Afghans, 
reckoned  to  have  numbered  some  eight  thousand 
men.  No  chance  was  given  the  enemy  to  rally. 
They  were  headed  off  from  the  Pir  Paimal  slopes 
by  Macpherson.  Baker  hustled  them  out  of 
cover  in  the  watercourses  in  the  basin  on  the 
left;  and  while  one  stream  of  fugitives  poured 
away  across  the  river,  another  was  rolled  back- 
ward into  and  through  Ayoub's  camp  at  Mazra. 

While  Macpherson  had  effected  his  turning 
movement  close  under  the  ridge,  Baker's  troops 
on  the  left  had  to  make  a  wider  sweep  before 
bringing  up  the  left  shoulder  and  wheeling  into 

[no] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

the  hollow  between  the  Pir  Paimal  and  the 
Kharoti  hill.  They  swept  out  of  their  path  what 
opposition  they  encountered,  and  moved  up  the 
center  of  the  hollow,  where  their  commander 
halted  them  until  Macpherson's  brigade  on  the 
right,  having  accomplished  its  more  active  work, 
should  come  up  and  restore  the  alignment. 

Baker  had  sent  Colonel  Money  with  a  half-bat- 
talion away  to  the  left  to  take  possession  of  the 
Kharoti  hill,  where  he  found  and  captured  three 
Afghan  guns.  Pressing  on  towards  the  northern 
edge  of  the  hill,  Money,  to  his  surprise,  found 
himself  in  full  view  of  Ayoub's  camp,  and  in 
rear  of  which  a  line  of  cavalry  was  drawn  up. 
Money  was  not  strong  enough  to  attack  single- 
handed,  and  he  therefore  sent  to  General  Baker 
for  reinforcements,  which,  however,  could  not 
be  spared  him,  and  the  gallant  Money  had 
perforce  to  remain  looking  on  while  the  ad- 
vance of  Macpherson  and  Baker  caused  the 
evacuation  of  Ayoub's  camp  and  the  flight  of 
his  cavalry  and  infantry  towards  the  Urgandab. 
But  the  discovery  and  capture  of  five  more 
Afghan  cannon  near  Baba  Wali  village  afforded 
him  some  consolation  for  the  enforced  inaction. 

Considerable  numbers  of  Ayoub's  troops  had 
earlier  pushed  through  the  Baba  Wali  pass,  and 
had  moved  down  towards  the  right  front  of  Gen- 
eral Burrows's  Bombay  brigade  in  position  about 

[in] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

Piquet  hill.  Having  assured  himself  that  Bur- 
rows was  able  to  hold  his  own,  Sir  Frederick 
Roberts  ordered  Macgregor  to  move  the  third 
brigade  forwards  towards  Pir  Paimal  village, 
whither  he  himself  rode.  On  his  arrival  there 
he  found  that  the  first  and  second  brigades  were 
already  quite  a  mile  in  advance.  The  battle 
really  had  already  been  won;  but  there  being  no 
open  view  to  the  front,  General  Ross,  who  com- 
manded the  whole  infantry  division,  had  no 
means  of  discerning  this  result;  and,  anticipat- 
ing the  likelihood  that  Ayoub's  camp  at  Mazra 
would  have  to  be  taken  by  storm,  he  had  halted 
the  brigades  to  replenish  ammunition. 

This  delay  gave  opportunity  for  the  entire 
evacuation  of  the  Afghan  camp,  which  when 
reached  without  any  further  opposition  and  en- 
tered at  1  P.M.  was  found  to  be  deserted.  The 
tents  had  been  left  standing.  "All  the  rude 
equipage  of  a  half-barbarous  army  had  been 
hurriedly  abandoned — the  meat  in  the  cooking- 
pots,  the  bread  half-kneaded  in  the  earthen 
vessels,  the  bazaar  with  its  ghee  pots,  dried 
fruits,  flour,  and  corn."  Ayoub's  great  mar- 
quee had  been  precipitately  abandoned,  and 
the  fine  carpets  covering  its  floor  had  been 
left.  But  in  the  hurry  of  their  flight  the 
Afghans  had  found  opportunity  to  illustrate 
their  barbarism  by  the  murder  of  their  pris- 

[112] 


Maiwand  and  Candahar 

oner,  Lieutenant  Maclaine,  whose  body  was 
found  near  Ayoub's  tent  with  the  throat  cut. 
To  this  bloody  deed  Ayoub  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  privy.  The  Sepoys  who  were  pris- 
oners with  Maclaine  testified  that  Ayoub  fled 
about  eleven  o'clock,  leaving  the  prisoners  in 
charge  of  the  guard  with  no  instructions  beyond 
a  verbal  order  that  they  were  not  to  be  killed. 
It  was  more  than  an  hour  later  when  the  guard 
ordered  the  unfortunate  young  officer  out  of  his 
tent  and  took  his  life. 

The  victory  was  complete,  and  Ayoub's  army 
was  in  full  rout.  Unfortunately,  no  cavalry  was 
in  hand  for  a  pursuit  from  the  Mazra  camp. 
The  scheme  for  intercepting  the  fugitive  Afghans 
by  sending  the  cavalry  brigade  on  a  wide  move- 
ment across  the  Urgandab  to  strike  the  line  of 
their  probable  retreat  towards  the  Khakrez  val- 
ley may  have  been  ingenious  in  conception,  but 
in  practice  did  not  have  the  desired  effect. 
Ayoub  Khan,  however,  had  been  decisively  de- 
feated. He  had  lost  the  whole  of  his  artillery, 
numbering  thirty-two  pieces,  his  camp,  an  im- 
mense quantity  of  ammunition,  about  one  thou- 
sand men  killed ;  his  army  was  dispersed,  and  he 
himself  was  a  fugitive  with  a  mere  handful  along 
with  him  of  the  army  of  twelve  thousand  men 
which  he  had  commanded  in  the  morning. 

The  battle  of  1st  September  having  brought 

[113] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

the  Afghan  war  to  a  close,  Sir  Frederick  Roberts 
quitted  Candahar  on  the  9th,  and  marched  to 
Quetta  with  part  of  his  division.  On  15th  Oc- 
tober at  Sibi  he  resigned  his  command,  and,  tak- 
ing sick  leave  to  England,  sailed  from  Bombay 
on  the  30th.  His  year  of  hard  and  successful 
service  in  Afghanistan  greatly  enhanced  his 
reputation  as  a  prompt,  skilful,  and  enterprising 
soldier.  His  subsequent  career  is  familiar  to  all. 


[114] 


V 
The  Boer  War  of  1881 

By  ARCHIBALD  FORBES 

THE  Boers  of  the  Transvaal  are  descended 
from  the  settlers  brought  to  the  Cape 
by  the  Dutch  East  India  Company  in 
the  seventeenth  century.  In  1814  the  colony 
was  finally  ceded  to  Great  Britain  by  the  King 
of  the  Netherlands.  The  Boers  had  been  in- 
tolerant of  the  stern  rule  of  the  masters  of  their 
own  nationality,  and  they  chafed  not  less  under 
the  milder  dominion  of  the  later  English  gov- 
ernment. The  truth  was,  and  still  is,  that  the 
Boers  from  the  first  have  disliked  all  government, 
especially  when  it  clashed  with  their  ideas  re- 
garding their  rights  over  the  natives.  A  dis- 
turbance which  occurred  in  1815  led  to  the 
"great  trek,"  as  the  emigration  of  the  Boers 
from  Cape  Colony  was  called  —  a  movement 
which  resulted  in  their  settlement  in  the  Trans- 
vaal and  in  the  territory  now  known  as  the 
Orange  Free  State., 

Up  to  1852  the  British  government  theo- 
retically extended  up  to  the  twenty-fifth  degree 
of  latitude.  But  no  attempt  was  made  to 
enforce  this  claim,  and  in  the  end  even  the 

[115] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

shadow  of  suzerainty  was  renounced  when, 
on  the  17th  of  January,  1852,  the  Sand  River 
Convention  was  entered  into  between  the 
British  Government  and  the  delegates  of  the 
Transvaal  Boers,  by  which  Great  Britain  for- 
mally renounced  all  rights  over  the  country 
north  of  the  Vaal  river.  Originally  there  were 
four  republics  in  the  Transvaal,  but  in  1860 
they  were  united  into  one  under  the  title  of  the 
"South  African  Republic." 

The  South  African  Republic  did  not  prosper. 
From  the  first  it  was  impecunious,  and  within  a 
decade  after  its  establishment  it  was  practically 
insolvent.  The  discovery,  in  1867,  of  diamonds 
and  of  gold  brought  into  the  country  a  rush  of 
strangers,  whose  energy  and  enterprise  might 
have  altered  the  condition  of  the  Transvaal  but 
for  the  lethargy  and  obstinate  isolation  of  the 
Boer  population.  Burgers,  the  last  president 
before  the  annexation,  was  a  man  of  vigor  and 
talent,  but  the  stolid  and  ignorant  Boers  declined 
to  be  welded  by  him  into  a  nation.  In  a  war 
upon  which  they  entered  with  Sekukuni,  a 
powerful  native  chief,  their  poltroonery  was 
flagrant.  The  fighting  was  done  for  them  by 
the  warlike  native  tribe  of  Amaswazis,  who  were 
so  disgusted  with  the  cowardice  of  their  white 
allies  that  they  left  them  in  dudgeon.  When 
the  Boers  had  to  do  their  own  work  their  hearts 

[116] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

failed  them,  and  they  fled  ignominiously.  Bur- 
gers, with  tears,  strove  to  rally  them,  but  in 
vain,  and  he  begged  them  to  shoot  him  rather 
than  disgrace  him.  But  they  shrugged  their 
shoulders,  and  more  than  two-thirds  of  them 
"trekked"  home,  leaving  him  hemmed  in  and 
powerless. 

The  republic  was  encircled  by  native  enemies 
all  round  the  Transvaal  borders,  all  waiting  for 
the  impending  onslaught  by  Cetewayo,  the  Zulu 
king,  the  master  of  a  formidable  army  which 
lay  on  the  frontier  ready  to  strike,  and  restrained 
from  immediate  hostilities  against  the  Boers  — 
who  had  provoked  him  by  many  encroachments 
—  only  by  his  fear  of  the  English  and  the  per- 
sonal influence  of  Sir  Theophilus  Shepstone, 
the  Native  Secretary  of  Natal.  On  the  north- 
east the  Amaswazis  brooded  in  sullen  discon- 
tent; northward,  within  and  beyond  the  frontier, 
anarchy  raged;  and  in  the  west  the  Bekhuanas 
were  waiting  for  their  opportunity.  Finan- 
cially the  republic  was  hopelessly  insolvent. 

The  Boers  set  their  faces  against  taxation.  It 
is  a  notorious  fact  that  when  Shepstone  annexed 
the  Transvaal  there  was  found  in  the  public 
treasury  only  twelve  shillings  and  sixpence,  part 
of  which  was  base  coin.  Clearly  a  crisis  was 
impending  which  threatened  to  involve  South 
Africa  in  great  peril.  The  annexation  was  no 

[117] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

sudden  act.  The  Blue-books  contain  remon- 
strance on  remonstrance  addressed  by  British 
officials  to  the  Transvaal  authorities.  At  length 
Lord  Carnarvon's  forbearance  was  exhausted. 
Shepstone  was  sent  for  to  England,  and  received 
a  commission  of  date  5th  October,  1876,  di- 
recting him,  should  the  emergency  render  such 
a  course  necessary,  to  annex  the  Transvaal  to 
her  Majesty's  dominions.  Shepstone,  escorted 
by  twenty-five  mounted  policemen  and  a  few 
officials,  reached  Pretoria  in  February,  1877. 
It  was  an  open  secret  that  he  was  empowered  to 
annex  the  country  if  he  deemed  it  advisable,  but 
he  expressed  his  readiness  to  refrain  from  that 
step  if  certain  reforms  were  carried  out.  The 
Boers  would  have  no  reforms,  and  on  April  12, 
1877,  Shepstone  issued  a  proclamation  formally 
annexing  the  Transvaal  to  Great  Britain.  For 
some  time  the  Boers  remained  sullenly  quiet. 
A  few  of  them  rendered  good  and  loyal  service 
with  Sir  Evelyn  Wood  during  the  Zulu  war,  but 
the  main  body  stood  aloof.  Sir  Owen  Lanyon 
succeeded  Shepstone  as  Administrator  of  the 
Transvaal,  and  from  the  first  was  unpopular 
with  the  Boers.  At  the  close  of  the  Zulu  war 
Sir  Garnet  Wolseley,  who  held  the  position  of 
High  Commissioner  for  Southeastern  Africa, 
came  up  into  the  Transvaal  with  a  considerable 
strength  of  regular  and  irregular  troops.  During 

[118] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

his  stay  no  actual  emeute  occurred,  but  there 
were  ominous  demonstrations,  which  would 
probably  have  come  to  a  head  but  for  the  pres- 
ence of  the  troops.  The  Boer  discontent  was 
enhanced  by  the  positive  intimation  from  the 
Colonial  Secretary  that  "under  no  circum- 
stances whatever  would  the  Transvaal  inde- 
pendence be  restored  to  the  Boers,"  and  by  Sir 
Garnet's  less  prosaic  but  equally  resolute  utter- 
ance, that  "so  long  as  the  sun  shone  and  the 
Vaal  river  flowed  to  the  sea  the  Transvaal  would 
remain  British  territory."  He  finally  left  the 
Transvaal  in  March,  1880,  and  the  troops  in 
that  territory  were  gradually  reduced  until  in 
November  of  the  same  year  they  consisted  of  but 
thirteen  companies  of  infantry,  two  troops  of 
mounted  infantry,  and  four  guns,  distributed  in 
detachments  in  some  half-dozen  garrisons  scat- 
tered over  the  country. 

Throughout  the  land  there  was  a  deceptive 
peace,  which  lulled  Lanyon  into  a  sense  of  se- 
curity, and  to  some  extent  deceived  Wolseley. 
The  Boers  were  playing  the  waiting  game.  Mr. 
Gladstone  became  Premier  in  March,  1880. 
Taking  it  for  granted  that  he  would  act  on  the 
lines  of  his  speeches  when  in  Opposition,  the 
Boer  leaders  called  on  him  to  rescind  the  an- 
nexation. The  answer  of  the  Government  came 
in  the  curt  telegram:  "Under  no  circumstances 

[119] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

can  the  Queen's  authority  in  the  Transvaal  be 
relinquished."  There  was  consternation  among 
the  Boers;  the  British  inhabitants,  trusting  im- 
plicitly in  an  assurance  so  specific,  rejoiced 
greatly  and  bought  land  without  hesitation.  In 
the  matter  of  taxation  the  Boers  had  always  pre- 
sented a  passive  resistance  against  the  British 
rule,  but  Lanyon's  officials  considered  that  they 
might  now  crush  this  resistance  by  active  meas- 
ures. A  Boer  named  Bezuidenhuit  was  levied 
on,  and  in  default  of  payment  a  seizure  was 
made.  Bezuidenhuit  and  his  friends  forcibly 
recovered  the  article  seized,  and  an  attempt  to 
arrest  him  was  thwarted  by  a  gathering  of  Boers. 
At  a  mass  meeting  on  the  13th  of  December, 
1880,  it  was  decided  that  the  South  African  Re- 
public should  be  restored;  it  was  resolved  to 
fight  for  independence,  and  a  triumvirate  con- 
sisting of  Kruger,  Joubert,  and  Pretorius  was 
appointed  to  administer  the  Government.  On 
the  16th  the  republic  was  proclaimed  at  Heidel- 
berg, which  became  the  headquarters  of  the  new 
Government.  A  large  body  of  Boers  took  pos- 
session of  that  place,  another  went  to  Potchef- 
strom,  and  a  third  "commando"  was  detailed 
to  another  service  presently  to  be  described. 

Lanyon  was  powerless  to  interfere,  and  he  and 
the  English  in  Pretoria  had  to  await  events, 
pending  the  expected  arrival  of  the  detachment 

[1201 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

of  the  Ninety-fourth  Regiment  which  had  been 
ordered  up  from  Lydenburg,  whence  it  was 
known  to  have  moved  on  December  5.  This 
ill-fated  body  was  destined  never  to  reach  Pre- 
toria. On  the  march  Colonel  Anstruther  had 
frequent  warnings  of  danger,  to  which  he  paid 
insufficient  heed ;  there  prevailed  in  the  force  the 
rooted  belief  that  the  Boers  did  not  intend  serious 
mischief.  It  was  scarcely  to  be  expected  that 
the  men  who  had  pusillanimously  recoiled  from 
before  Sekukuni's  spear-armed  natives  would 
venture  to  assail  a  body  of  British  regular  in- 
fantry. But  long  before  the  end  of  this  miser- 
able war  the  valor  and  constancy  of  the  Boers, 
not  less  than  their  moderation  and  humanity, 
had  come  to  be  acknowledged  and  admired.  In 
this,  their  first  conflict  with  the  "red  soldiers," 
their  unerring  marksmanship  was  the  chief 
surprise. 

The  scouting  duties  of  Colonel  Anstruther's 
detachment  were  performed  with  carelessness; 
else,  whatever  might  have  been  its  fate,  it  would 
not  have  been  taken  by  surprise.  About  noon 
on  December  20th  the  little  column,  marching  at 
ease,  was  approaching  Bronkhorst  Spruit.  The 
ground  traversed  by  the  road  was  sparsely 
wooded,  sloping  down  from  either  side.  Mili- 
tary precautions  were  neglected,  and  the  convoy 
stretched  to  an  interminable  length.  The  band 

[121] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

at  the  head  of  the  column  abruptly  stopped  play- 
ing when  about  one  hundred  fifty  armed 
mounted  Boers  suddenly  became  visible  in  skir- 
mishing formation  on  a  rise  on  the  left  of  the  road 
at  a  distance  of  a  few  hundred  yards.  Colonel 
Anstruther  immediately  galloped  back,  and 
ordered  the  leading  wagon  to  halt  and  the  others 
to  close  up.  A  Boer  advanced  midway  with  a 
flag  of  truce,  and  was  met  by  Colonel  Anstruther, 
to  whom  he  handed  a  letter  written  in  English. 
Its  terms  were  at  once  quaint  and  peremptory. 
"  We  don't  know,"  it  ran,  "  whether  we  are  in  a 
state  of  war  or  not,  consequently  we  can't  allow 
any  movements  of  troops  from  your  side,  and 
wish  you  to  stop  where  you  are.  We  not  being 
at  war  with  the  Queen  nor  with  the  people  of 
England,  but  are  only  recovering  the  independ- 
ence of  our  country,  we  do  not  wish  to  take  to 
arms,  and  therefore  inform  you  that  any  move- 
ments of  troops  from  your  side  will  be  taken  by 
us  as  a  declaration  of  war." 

The  messenger  was  to  take  back  an  answer, 
which  had  to  be  given  within  five  minutes. 
Anstruther  read  the  letter  and  tersely  replied: 
"I  go  to  Pretoria;  do  as  you  like."  The  mes- 
senger departed,  and  the  colonel,  hurrying  back 
towards  his  men,  ordered  them  to  skirmish. 
But  it  was  too  late.  The  Boers  had  closed  in 
upon  the  rear  and  flanks  of  the  column  and 

[122] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

opened  fire  at  point-blank  range.  Their  fire 
was  deadly  —  every  shot  told ;  that  of  the  troops 
was  scattered  and  ineffective.  In  ten  minutes, 
out  of  a  total  of  two  hundred  fifty-nine,  there  had 
been  killed  or  wounded  one  hundred  fifty-five 
officers  and  men.  Colonel  Anstruther,  himself 
riddled  with  bullets,  then  ordered  the  "Cease 
fire,"  and  intimated  the  surrender  of  the  remains 
of  his  force.  The  Boers  then  closed  in,  ordered 
all  arms  to  be  laid  down,  and  formed  a  cordon 
round  the  scene  of  the  slaughter. 

When  the  fighting  was  over,  Boers  and  sol- 
diers became  very  friendly.  The  Boer  com- 
mander, Joubert,  came  forward  and  shook 
hands  with  Colonel  Anstruther,  expressing  re- 
gret that  he  should  be  among  the  wounded.  A 
hospital  camp  was  pitched  close  by,  and  leave 
was  given  for  the  retention  of  the  wagons  con- 
taining baggage,  provisions,  and  hospital  equip- 
ment, tents  for  the  wounded,  and  some  unin- 
jured men  as  hospital  nurses;  the  remaining  un- 
wounded  prisoners  with  the  rest  of  the  wagons 
were  removed  to  Heidelberg.  Two  men  were 
permitted  to  carry  the  tidings  of  the  disaster  to 
Pretoria,  whence  without  hindrance  surgeons, 
hospital  orderlies,  and  ambulances  were  sent 
out  to  Bronkhorst  Spruit.  The  Boers  showed 
themselves  most  obliging,  and  were  extremely 
solicitous  for  the  comfort  of  the  wounded  in 

[123] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

camp,  bringing  in  milk,  butter,  eggs,  bread,  and 
fruit  gratuitously.  The  statements  regarding 
the  Boer  losses  in  the  short  fight  were  curiously 
conflicting.  The  Boers  affirmed  that  they 
amounted  only  to  two  killed  and  five  wounded. 
When  Sir  Garnet  Wolseley  went  home  he  had 
been  succeeded,  in  July,  as  High  Commissioner 
for  Southeastern  Africa,  by  Colonel  (after- 
wards Major-General)  Sir  George  Pomeroy 
Colley,  an  officer  of  high  character.  Tidings  of 
the  outbreak  in  the  Transvaal  reached  him  at 
Pieter  Maritzburg  on  the  19th  of  December,  and 
were  in  possession  of  the  Colonial  Office  in  Lon- 
don on  the  following  day.  Reinforcements 
from  India  were  promptly  ordered  to  Natal,  and 
further  instalments  of  troops  were  sent  out  from 
England  as  early  as  possible.  Considering  the 
weakness  of  the  forces  at  Colley's  immediate 
disposition,  he  would  have  been  wise  to  wait  until 
he  had  been  reinforced;  but  he  had  a  great  con- 
tempt for  the  Boers,  and  was  eager  to  distin- 
guish himself  before  he  should  be  superseded 
by  officers  of  higher  rank.  He  was  warned  by 
Colonel  Bellairs  (in  military  command  of  the 
Transvaal)  that  there  were  "from  six  thousand 
to  seven  thousand  rebels  in  the  field,  who,  under 
good  leadership,  would  exhibit  courage,  dis- 
cipline, and  organization."  Colley  hurried  up 

[124] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

towards  the  Transvaal  frontier  the  few  com- 
panies of  infantry  which  he  had  in  Natal. 

The  arrival  of  some  drafts  was  very  opportune 
-  a  naval  brigade  was  landed  and  sent  up,  as 
also  a  squadron  of  dragoons  and  mounted  in- 
fantry under  the  command  of  Major  Brownlow, 
and  the  Natal  Mounted  Police.  Colley  had  early 
intimated  his  intention  to  enter  the  Transvaal 
about  the  20th  of  January,  1881,  with  a  column 
consisting  of  eight  companies  of  infantry,  four 
guns,  and  a  mounted  squadron  —  a  miserably 
inadequate  force.  So  far  from  accomplishing 
this,  he  was  able  only  to  quit  Newcastle  (a  border 
town  of  Natal)  on  January  24,  with  about  sixty 
officers  and  twelve  hundred  men.  This  little 
force  was  styled  the  "relief  column,'*  as  it  was 
intended  to  raise  the  siege  of  the  Transvaal 
towns  in  which  were  scanty  British  garrisons  be- 
leaguered by  the  Boers.  Apart  from  Pretoria, 
the  besieged  capital  of  the  Transvaal,  there  were 
six  of  those  places  —  Potchefstrom,  Rustenburg, 
Marabastadt,  Lydenburg,  Standerton,  and  Wak- 
kerstrom,  all  of  which  held  out  gallantly  until  the 
restoration  of  peace. 

Before  advancing  from  Newcastle,  Colley 
sent  an  ultimatum  to  the  Boers,  ordering  them, 
as  insurgents,  to  disperse.  They  replied,  de- 
claring that  all  they  wanted  was  the  rescinding 
of  the  annexation  and  the  restoration  of  the 

[125] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

South  African  Republic  under  the  Protectorate 
of  the  Queen.  On  the  26th  the  British  force 
entrenched  itself  on  an  elevated  position  at 
Mount  Prospect,  about  twenty  miles  north  of 
Newcastle,  in  the  mountainous  region  forming 
the  northern  projection  of  Natal.  The  camp 
was  about  a  mile  right  of  the  road  from  New- 
castle to  Standerton,  which  crossed  the  ridge 
known  as  Lang's  Nek  —  about  three  and  a  half 
miles  further  northward.  In  the  vicinity  of 
Lang's  Nek  a  considerable  number  of  Boers 
were  seen.  On  the  morning  of  the  28th,  Colley 
moved  out  with  a  strength,  all  told,  of  about 
eleven  hundred  and  sixty  men. 

The  pass  over  Lang's  Nek  crosses  the  ridge 
about  the  center  of  a  rough  semi-circle,  on  the 
west  of  which  is  the  Majuba  mountain;  on  the 
east  is  a  long  spur  surmounted  by  a  rocky  crest. 
In  front  of  the  proper  left  of  this  spur,  several 
hundred  yards  to  the  front,  is  an  isolated  conical 
hill.  The  ground  in  the  bottom  of  the  enclosed 
basin  is  low,  with  a  gradual  rise  towards  the  face 
of  the  spur,  something  in  the  nature  of  a  glacis. 
About  nine  o'clock  the  British  force,  having 
moved  up  along  a  ridge  out  of  shot,  formed 
into  position  on  a  rise  in  the  bottom,  with  the 
mounted  squadron  and  the  Fifty-eighth  on  the 
right,  the  guns  in  the  center,  and  the  Sixtieth 

[126] 


and  naval  brigade  on  the  left,  the  whole  facing 
toward  the  spur. 

The  action  was  begun  by  shelling  parts  of  the 
enemy's  position,  and  by  pushing  forward  a 
company  of  the  Sixtieth  and  the  Naval  Brigade, 
with  their  rockets,  which  took  some  effect  on  the 
Boer  reserves  in  rear  of  the  Nek.  At  ten  o'clock 
the  Fifty-eighth  advanced  to  the  attack  of  the 
spur,  covered  on  its  right  by  artillery  fire  and  by 
Brownlow's  squadron.  The  leading  troop  of 
mounted  men  swept  with  fine  dash  up  the  iso- 
lated hill,  and  then  charged.  The  hill-top  was 
held  by  a  Boer  piquet  of  considerable  strength. 
Brownlow  shot  the  Boer  leader  with  his  revolver, 
but  his  horse  was  shot  under  him;  Lieutenant 
Lermitte  and  Sergeant-Ma j or  Lunny  were  killed; 
the  supporting  troop  was  checked  —  the  leading 
troop,  fatigued  and  broken  by  the  charge,  and 
with  its  leaders  all  down,  could  make  no  head, 
and  the  whole  squadron  gave  way.  It  was  no 
proper  ground  for  cavalry,  and  the  horsemen 
should  have  acted  as  mounted  infantry.  Mean- 
time, the  Fifty-eighth  had  begun  climbing 
the  steep  ascent  through  the  long  entangling 
grass,  which  retarded  the  men's  progress.  The 
Boer  piquet  from  the  hill,  having  repulsed 
Brownlow's  squadron,  moved  down  and  opened 
fire  on  the  now  exposed  right  flank  and  rear  of 
the  Fifty-eighth,  while  the  Boers  on  the  spur 

[127] 


gathered  on  its  brow  and  maintained  a  deadly 
fire  from  behind  cover.  Anxious  to  get  to  close 
quarters  out  of  this  purgatory,  Colonel  Deane 
gave  the  order  to  charge.  The  officers  led  nobly, 
and  the  men  struggled  on  through  the  hail  of  fire. 
Colonel  Deane's  horse  was  shot,  but  he  dashed 
forward  on  foot  until  riddled  with  bullets  ten 
yards  in  front  of  the  foremost  man.  Major 
Poole  and  Lieutenants  Inman  and  Elwes  were 
killed  in  supporting  Colonel  Deane;  Major 
Hingeston,  and  all  the  mounted  officers  of  the 
Fifty-eighth,  were  shot  down  or  dismounted. 
The  stubborn  soldiers  of  that  gallant  regiment 
—  youngsters  as  they  were,  most  of  them  — 
continued  to  hold  their  ground  unflinchingly  for 
some  time,  notwithstanding  the  bitter  fire. 
Lieutenant  Baillie,  carrying  the  regimental  color, 
was  mortally  wounded,  and  when  his  comrade 
Hill  went  to  his  assistance,  the  brave  young 
officer  said  with  his  last  breath,  "Never  mind 
me;  save  the  color!"  Hill,  who  had  been  carry- 
ing the  Queen's  color,  took  the  other  also;  when 
he  went  down,  Sergeant  Budstock  took  both 
colors,  and  carried  them  until  the  general  re- 
tirement, which  soon  had  to  occur.  "The 
Fifty-eighth,"  wrote  Colley,  "  having  fallen  back 
leisurely  without  haste  or  confusion,  re-formed 
at  the  foot  of  the  slope,  and  marched  back 
into  position  in  as  good  order,  and  with  as 

[128] 


THE   MEN    STRUGGLED    ON    THROUGH    THE    HAIL   OF    FIRE 


P.  128 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

erect  and  soldierly  a  bearing,  as  when  it  marched 
out." 

Spite  of  much  British  bravery,  the  combat  of 
Lang's  Nek  was  an  unquestionable  and  severe 
defeat.  But  many  noble  deeds  were  performed. 
Lieutenant  Hill  (already  named)  brought 
wounded  man  after  man  out  of  action,  and 
worthily  earned  the  V.C.  Trooper  Doogen 
saved  the  life  of  Major  Brownlow;  Private  God- 
frey and  Bandboy  Martin  remained  with  Major 
Hingeston  and  Captain  Lovegrove  when  those 
officers  lay  wounded,  enduring  heavy  fire  in  doing 
so.  The  great  brunt  of  the  losses  fell  on  the 
Fifty-eighth.  The  casualties  altogether  amounted 
to  one  hundred  and  ninety-eight,  of  which  one 
hundred  and  seventy-three  belonged  to  that  regi- 
ment, which  had  to  bury  seventy-five  officers 
and  men  out  of  a  total  strength  of  four  hundred 
and  ninety-four.  Lang's  Nek  caused  the  Boers 
exceptionally  heavy  loss.  Their  total  casualties 
from  beginning  to  end  of  the  war  were  but  one 
hundred  and  one,  of  which  Lang's  Nek  accounted 
for  forty-one  —  fourteen  killed  and  twenty-seven 
wounded.  The  Boers  behaved  with  humanity. 
The  moment  that  the  "Cease  fire"  sounded 
they  gave  permission  to  the  English  surgeons  to 
attend  the  wounded  lying  in  front  of  the  Boer 
position,  fetched  water  to  them,  and  assisted  in 
binding  up  their  wounds. 

[129] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

The  folly  of  the  forward  position  prematurely 
taken  up  by  General  Colley  with  an  inadequate 
force  was  made  apparent  by  the  result  of  the 
battle  of  Lang's  Nek.  The  comparative  handful 
of  men  in  the  Mount  Prospect  camp  could  no 
longer  be  regarded  by  any  stretch  of  imagination 
as  a  "relief  column."  That  repulse  had  taught 
the  Boers  their  ability  to  arrest  the  further  ad- 
vance of  the  British  force,  and  enabled  them  to 
turn  their  attention  to  the  interception  of  its  line 
of  communication.  The  Boers,  in  effect,  were 
masters  of  the  situation.  Their  patrol's  pene- 
trated nearly  to  Ladysmith,  and  threatened 
Newcastle  from  the  Drakensberg  and  Utrecht 
districts. 

Convoys  were  cut  off,  captured,  and  de- 
stroyed; the  mail  service  was  arrested,  and 
except  for  the  telegraph  service,  which  remained 
uninterfered  with,  the  Mount  Prospect  camp 
was  all  but  entirely  isolated.  An  escort  of 
mounted  infantry,  sent  out  on  February  7  to  at- 
tempt to  reach  Newcastle  with  mails,  was  driven 
back  to  the  camp  by  the  fire  of  the  Boers.  Col- 
ley  then  determined  to  make  a  more  formidable 
effort  next  day  to  open  up  communications  with 
Newcastle,  and  to  clear  the  Boers  from  the  road. 
On  the  morning  of  the  8th  he  left  camp  with  five 
companies  of  the  Sixtieth  Rifles  under  Colonel 
Ashburnham,  two  field  and  two  mountain  guns 

[130] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

under  Captain  Greer,  R.A.,  and  a  small  detach- 
ment of  mounted  men  under  Major  Brownlow. 
About  five  miles  south  of  the  Mount  Prospect 
position  the  Newcastle  road  is  crossed  by  the 
Ingogo  river,  which  runs  from  west  to  east 
through  a  valley.  The  ground  north  of  the 
river  is  broken  and  rugged;  from  the  south  bank 
there  is  a  gentle  rise  to  the  foot  of  a  flat-topped 
ridge  strewn  with  rocks  and  boulders,  and  ir- 
regularly cut  by  rocky  depressions. 

The  general,  leaving  the  two  mountain  guns 
and  a  company  of  infantry  on  a  commanding 
crest  north  of  the  river,  crossed  it  with  the  main 
body,  which  he  formed  on  the  plain  beyond,  and 
then  moved  it  forward  to  the  foot  of  the  ridge 
bounding  the  valley  to  the  southward.  As  the 
troops  were  ascending  the  rise  to  the  ridge  the 
Boers  showed  themselves  in  considerable 
strength,  and  they  at  once  galloped  forward  to 
dispute  the  ridge,  and  to  take  advantage  of  the 
cover  afforded  by  the  intersecting  valleys.  Greer 
brought  his  two  guns  into  action,  but  the  Boers 
had  already  taken  cover,  from  which  they  di- 
rected a  heavy  and  active  fire  on  the  guns  and 
skirmishers.  Greer  was  killed  early,  and  the 
command  of  the  guns  devolved  on  Lieutenant 
Parsons.  The  engagement  became  heavy  and 
general  about  noon,  when  the  companies  of  the 
Sixtieth  were  pushed  forward  against  the  enemy, 

[131] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

whose  fire  from  behind  cover  was  very  deadly. 
The  guns  had  to  be  freely  exposed,  and  were  in 
action  with  case-shot  at  a  range  of  less  than  five 
hundred  yards.  The  gunners  suffered  very 
heavily,  and  a  company  of  the  Sixtieth,  which 
most  gallantly  advanced  to  cover  the  guns,  and 
met  the  Boer  fire  at  close  range,  had  many  casual- 
ties from  the  steady  and  accurate  fire  of  enemies 
enjoying  almost  perfect  cover.  So  severe  was 
the  fire  of  the  Boers  that  the  guns  had  soon  to  be 
withdrawn  from  their  exposed  position,  and 
during  the  rest  of  the  affair  fired  only  occasion- 
ally. It  was  apparent  that  they  were  being 
gradually  reinforced,  and  the  general  sent  orders 
to  camp  for  three  companies  of  the  Fifty-eighth 
to  move  out  and  occupy  the  ridges  north  of  the 
river,  and  for  a  part,  if  practicable,  to  cross  the 
Ingogo  in  support  of  the  troops  already  deeply 
engaged  and  reduced  by  severe  losses. 

About  three  o'clock  there  was  a  comparative 
lull,  although  the  Boers  maintained  a  very  ac- 
curate fire,  anyone  on  the  British  side  being 
almost  certainly  struck  if  at  all  exposing  him- 
self. Later  in  the  afternoon  the  Boers  received 
considerable  reinforcements,  and  Lieutenant 
Parsons,  wounded  as  he  was,  reopened  with  his 
guns  for  a  short  time;  but  darkness  presently 
set  in,  and  the  Boers  gradually  withdrew  to  their 
camp.  It  was  Colley's  conviction  that  the  enemy 

[132] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

intended  renewing  the  engagement  next  morn- 
ing in  overwhelming  strength,  and  he  acted 
wisely  in  deciding  to  withdraw  to  camp  under 
cover  of  darkness.  It  was  a  gruesome  night. 
Torrents  of  rain  were  falling,  and  the  darkness 
was  intense,  except  when  the  lightning  flashes 
broke  the  blackness  of  the  cold  and  dismal  night. 
The  ambulances  sent  out  during  the  fight  had 
not  been  able  to  reach  the  actual  scene  of  action, 
since  the  Boers  had  threatened  to  fire  on  them 
if  they  advanced  while  the  engagement  was 
going  on.  They  were  not  now  available  in  the 
darkness;  and  the  wounded,  whom  in  many 
instances  it  had  been  impossible  to  remove  from 
the  advanced  positions,  had  to  be  searched  for. 
Those  who  were  found  were  collected  and  shel- 
tered for  the  night  as  well  as  possible  with  water- 
proof sheets,  blankets,  great-coats,  etc.;  but 
many  lay  as  they  had  fallen  throughout  the  long, 
inclement  night.  The  guns  were  horsed,  al- 
though insufficiently,  by  collecting  all  the  avail- 
able animals,  and  by  withdrawing  the  team 
from  the  ammunition  wagon,  which  had  to  be 
abandoned.  When  all  arrangements  had  been 
completed,  the  force  moved  off  in  silence,  formed 
in  hollow  square,  the  guns  in  the  center,  the 
infantry  in  skirmishing  order  on  the  four  sides. 
The  river,  swollen  by  the  rain,  was  deep  and 
rapid;  and  some  of  the  first  men  trying  to  cross 

[133] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

were  swept  down,  but  found  foothold  on  a  sand- 
bank. The  main  body  crossed  in  detachments 
with  locked  arms.  The  camp  was  reached 
about  4  A.M.,  on  the  9th.  The  soldiers  had 
dragged  the  guns  up  the  hill,  the  horses  being 
unable  to  pull  them  up  the  steep  and  slippery 
road.  The  Fifty-eighth  companies  spent  the 
night  on  the  northern  ridges,  and  were  not  with- 
drawn until  the  following  day. 

The  casualties  had  been  heavy.  Among  the 
slain  were  Captain  MacGregor,  R.E.,  General 
Colley's  assistant  secretary;  Captain  Greer,  R.A. ; 
Lieutenants  Garrett  and  O'Connell;  and  Mr. 
Stuart,  a  Natal  resident  magistrate.  A  most 
promising  officer,  Lieutenant  Wilkinson  of  the 
Sixtieth,  was  drowned  while  crossing  the  Ingogo, 
when  returning  to  the  field  with  assistance  for 
the  wounded,  after  having  distinguished  himself 
throughout  the  engagement  by  his  coolness  and 
gallantry.  The  total  loss  of  this  unfortunate  day 
amounted  to  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine  officers 
and  men.  According  to  the  statement  of  the 
Boers,  the  Ingogo  fight  cost  them  eight  killed 
and  six  wounded.  The  Boers  returned  to  the 
scene  of  action  on  the  morning  of  the  9th,  ex- 
pecting to  renew  the  engagement.  They  took 
away  two  gun  limbers  and  the  ammunition 
wagon  abandoned  over  night  by  Colley's  people, 
and  then  fell  back  behind  Newcastle  to  join  their 

[134] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

main  force,  reported  as  threatening  to  prevent 
the  advance  of  the  reinforcements  recently  ar- 
rived from  India.  Their  disappearance  gave 
opportunity  to  succor  the  wounded  and  bury  the 
dead  without  molestation,  and  opened  the  road 
from  Mount  Prospect  to  Newcastle,  to  the  hos- 
pital, to  which  latter  place  were  promptly  sent 
the  wounded  from  the  British  camp.  The  com- 
munications in  rear  of  Mount  Prospect  remained 
open  from  this  time  forward. 

Sir  George  Colley  had  sustained  a  second  re- 
verse, proportionately  more  bloody  than  had 
been  the  first.  By  this  time,  one  would  imagine 
it  might  have  begun  to  dawn  on  the  home 
authorities  that  Colley,  to  say  the  least,  was  not 
a  successful  commander.  His  experience  of 
actual  warfare  was  but  slender:  he  had  served 
only  in  the  China  war  of  1860  and  in  the  Ashan- 
tee  campaign.  He  was  comparatively  new  to 
South  Africa,  and  was  quite  unfamiliar  with 
the  Boer  nature.  Yet  the  authorities  had  as- 
signed to  him  as  second  in  command  an  officer 
senior  to  him  in  army  rank,  who  had  fought 
with  distinction  through  the  Crimean  and  Indian 
Mutiny  wars,  and  in  the  Ashantee  and  Zululand 
campaigns,  in  high  and  successful  commands. 
Brigadier-General  Sir  Evelyn  Wood,  V.C.,  was 
the  only  officer  in  the  latter  campaign  under 
whom  Boers  served  and  died  —  served  with  a 

[135] 


loyal  devotion,  died  gallantly  under  his  eye.  He 
knew  the  strange,  simple,  yet  stubborn  nature  of 
the  Boers;  he  was  ready  to  fight  with  them,  and 
equally  ready  to  argue  them  out  of  a  folly. 
Wood  and  Colley  were  old  and  fast  friends; 
Wood  was  quite  content  to  serve  under  his 
junior,  and  had  hurried  out  to  India  with  a  num- 
ber of  "special  service"  officers.  He  reached 
Durban  on  February  12,  four  days  after  the  In- 
gogo  reverse,  Sir  G.  Colley's  account  of  which 
was  in  London  on  the  10th,  and,  notwithstanding 
the  unwarrantable  optimism  of  its  tone,  must 
have  been  read  between  the  lines  in  Pall  Mall. 
Then  would  have  been  the  time  to  avert  further 
futile  waste  of  brave  soldiers  by  instructing  by 
telegraph  Colley  and  Wood  to  exchange  their 
relative  positions.  The  arrangement  would  have 
been  perfectly  regular,  and  Colley  was  the  sort 
of  man  who  would  loyally  have  accepted  the 
secondary  position. 

Picking  up  on  his  rapid  journey  the  Indian 
column  from  its  camp  on  the  Biggarsberg,  Wood 
and  it  (consisting  of  the  Fifteenth  Hussars,  the 
second  battalion  Sixtieth  Rifles,  and  the  Ninety- 
second  Highlanders)  reached  Newcastle  on  the 
17th.  Colley  met  him  there,  and  it  was  re- 
solved between  the  two  officers  that  no  further 
advance  should  be  attempted  until  more  rein- 
forcements, now  on  the  way  up,  should  arrive. 

[136] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

They  parted  on  the  21st,  Colley  moving  the 
Indian  column  up  to  Mount  Prospect  without 
molestation;  Wood  returning  to  Pieter  Maritz- 
burg  to  press  on  the  advance  of  further  rein- 
forcements. 

Sir  George  Colley's  motive  in  making  the 
fatal  advance  on  the  Majuba  mountain-top, 
whatever  it  might  have  been,  died  with  him. 
His  assurance  had  been  given  to  Wood  that  no 
further  advance  should  be  attempted  pending 
the  arrival  of  further  reinforcements.  He  had 
engaged  with  the  Boer  Vice-President  in  nego- 
tiations which  promised  favorable  results.  A 
reconnaissance  in  force  to  the  summit  of  the 
mountain  could  give  no  more  information  than 
a  mere  patrol  could  easily  ascertain  —  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Boer  laagers  and  an  approximate  es- 
timate of  the  force  occupying  them.  A  Boer 
piquet  occasionally  held  the  hill-top  during  the 
day,  and  Colley  resolved  to  occupy  it  by  making 
a  night  march.  At  ten  o'clock  on  the  night  of 
February  26  he  left  the  Mount  Prospect  camp 
with  a  force  of  twenty-two  officers  and  six  hun- 
dred and  twenty-seven  men  —  a  smaller  force 
than  he  had  employed  at  Lang's  Nek.  At  the 
start  its  composition  and  order  were  as  follows : 
Two  companies  Fifty-eighth,  the  Naval  Brigade, 
three  companies  Ninety-second,  followed  by 
some  details;  two  companies  of  the  second 

[137] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

Sixtieth  moved  out  later  to  the  piquet  post  close 
to  the  foot  of  Inquela  hill,  with  instructions  to 
occupy  its  summit  with  some  detachments. 
Further  on,  upon  the  narrow  Nek  between  the 
Inquela  and  the  Majuba,  Captain  Robertson's 
company  of  the  Ninety-second  was  dropped  as  a 
link,  with  orders  to  entrench  itself.  The  Nek 
traversed,  the  troops,  guided  by  friendly  Kaffirs, 
had  now  to  undertake  in  single  file  the  actual 
climb  up  the  steep  and  rugged  side  of  the  Ma- 
juba, whose  top  is  sixty-two  hundred  feet  above 
sea-level  and  more  than  two  thousand  feet  above 
the  positions  of  the  Boer  laagers.  From  time  to 
time  during  the  tedious  and  toilsome  ascent,  a 
halt  was  made  to  enable  the  men  —  heavy-laden 
with  rations  and  extra  cartridges  —  to  regain 
their  breath.  As  the  troops  neared  the  summit 
the  obstacles  increased.  The  steep,  grassy  slopes 
were  succeeded  by  great  boulders  and  deep 
dongas,  varied  by  sharp  crags  and  treacherous 
loose  stones,  over  and  up  which  the  wearied  and 
burdened  men  had  to  drag  themselves.  Near 
the  top  the  ascent  had  to  be  accomplished  on 
hands  and  knees.  Between  four  and  five  in  the 
morning  of  the  27th  the  force,  much  exhausted 
after  the  heavy  toil,  and  now  only  about  four 
hundred  strong,  gained  the  summit. 

Like  most  of  the  mountains  of  South  Africa, 
the  Majuba  is  crowned  by  no  peak.     Its  top  is  a 

[138] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

plateau  of  saucer-like  shape,  dipping  towards 
the  center,  across  which  is  a  rocky  reef  about 
breast-high.  The  circumference  of  the  plateau 
is  about  twelve  hundred  yards.  When  the  sum- 
mit was  reached  it  was  still  dark,  and  the  troops 
having  got  mixed  during  the  scramble  up,  and 
being  weary,  lay  down  where  they  stood  until 
dawn.  With  daylight  they  were  extended  round 
the  edge  of  the  plateau,  with  a  small  reserve  in 
the  central  hollow.  No  instructions  were  given 
to  entrench,  and,  indeed,  the  troops  had  no 
tools  for  such  a  purpose;  but  the  men  of  their 
own  accord  attempted  to  obtain  some  cover  by 
throwing  up  defences  of  turf  and  stones.  Here 
and  there  the  soldiers  showed  on  the  sky  line, 
and  a  few  shots  were  fired,  which  for  the  mo- 
ment caused  great  consternation  in  the  Boer 
camps  in  the  lower  ground  northwest  of  the 
Majuba. 

Seeing  that  the  mountain  was  in  British 
occupation,  the  expectation  was  natural  that 
an  attack  would  presently  be  made  on  their 
positions  on  the  Nek,  in  which  case  they  would 
find  themselves  between  two  fires.  Their  first 
idea,  it  seems,  was  of  flight.  The  oxen  were 
inspanned,  and  hurried  preparations  were  made 
for  retreat.  But  when  it  became  evident  that 
the  troops  on  the  summit  were  in  no  great 
strength  and  had  neither  cannon  nor  rockets, 

[139] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

and  that  their  Nek  position  was  unmolested,  the 
courage  of  the  Boers  revived.  Smijt,  the  fight- 
ing general,  made  a  short,  stirring  speech,  and 
at  his  summons  a  number  of  the  younger  men 
began  to  climb  the  mountain  side  under  cover  of 
the  stones  and  scrub.  Joubert,  the  command- 
ing general,  detailed  a  force  of  the  older  men  in 
support  of  the  storming  party  —  picked  shots 
who  remained  below  watching  the  edge  of  the 
plateau,  and  firing  at  every  soldier  who  exposed 
himself.  As  the  morning  passed  Boer  detach- 
ments attacked  and  hemmed  in  the  British  posi- 
tion on  the  north,  the  east,  and  the  southwest. 
The  defenders  were  not  in  sufficient  strength 
to  hold  the  whole  of  the  edge  of  the  plateau,  and 
detachments  had  to  be  moved  hither  and  thither 
to  meet  and  attempt  to  thwart  the  advances  of 
the  Boers.  Slowly  and  steadily  the  hostile  skir- 
mishers clambered  upwards  from  cover  to  cover, 
while  the  supports  below  protected  their  move- 
ment with  a  steady  and  accurate  fire.  During 
the  hours  from  dawn  to  noon  the  British  had  not 
suffered  very  heavily,  notwithstanding  the  Boer 
marksmanship.  The  first  officer  to  fall  was 
Commander  Romilly,  of  the  Naval  Brigade, 
while  reconnoitring  with  General  Colley.  But 
the  long  strain  of  the  Boers'  close  shooting  began 
to  tell  on  the  morale  of  the  British  soldiers,  and 
when  the  Boers  at  length  reached  the  crest  and 

[140] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

opened  a  deadly  fire  at  short  range  the  officers 
had  to  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost  in  the 
effort  to  avert  disaster.  The  reserves  stationed 
in  the  central  dip  of  the  plateau,  out  of  reach 
until  then  of  the  enemy's  fire,  were  ordered  up 
in  support  of  the  fighting  line.  Their  want  of 
promptitude  in  obeying  this  order  did  not  augur 
well,  and  soon  after  reaching  the  front  they 
wavered,  and  then  gave  way.  The  officers  did 
temporarily  succeed  in  rallying  them,  but  the 
"bolt"  had  a  bad  effect.  To  use  the  expression 
of  an  eye-witness,  "a  funk  became  established." 
It  was  struggled  against  very  gallantly  by  the 
officers,  who,  sword  and  revolver  in  hand,  en- 
couraged the  soldiers  by  word  and  by  action. 
A  number  of  men,  unable  to  confront  the  deadly 
fire  of  the  Boers,  had  huddled  for  cover  behind 
the  rocky  reef  crossing  the  plateau,  and  no  en- 
treaty or  upbraiding  on  the  part  of  their  officers 
would  induce  them  to  face  the  enemy.  What 
then  happened  one  does  not  care  to  tell  in  detail. 
Everything  connected  with  this  disastrous  en- 
terprise went  to  naught,  as  if  there  had  been  a 
curse  on  it.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  ob- 
ject intended,  the  force  employed  was  absurdly 
inadequate.  Instead  of  being  homogeneous,  it 
consisted  of  separate  detachments  with  no  link 
or  bond  of  union  —  a  disposition  which  noto- 
riously has  led  to  more  panics  than  any  other 

[141] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

cause  that  the  annals  of  regimental  history  can 
furnish.  Fragments  of  proud  and  distinguished 
regiments  fresh  from  victory  in  another  continent 
shared  in  the  panic  of  the  Majuba,  seasoned 
warriors  behaving  no  better  than  mere  recruits. 
To  the  calm-pulsed  philosopher  a  panic  is  an 
academic  enigma.  No  man  who  has  seen  it  — 
much  less  shared  in  it  —  can  ever  forget  the  in- 
fectious madness  of  panic-stricken  soldiers. 

In  the  sad  ending,  with  a  cry  of  fright  and 
despair  the  remnants  of  the  hapless  force  turned 
and  fled,  regardless  of  the  efforts  of  the  officers 
to  stem  the  rearward  rush.  Sir  George  Colley 
lay  dead,  shot  through  the  head  just  before  the 
final  flight.  A  surgeon  and  two  hospital  at- 
tendants caring  for  the  wounded  at  the  bandag- 
ing place  in  the  dip  of  the  plateau  were  shot 
down,  probably  inadvertently.  The  elder  Boers 
promptly  stopped  the  firing  in  that  direction. 

But  there  was  no  cessation  of  the  fire  directed 
on  the  fugitives.  On  them  the  bullets  rained 
accurately  and  persistently.  The  Boers,  now 
disdaining  cover,  stood  boldly  on  the  edge  of  the 
plateau,  and,  firing  down  upon  the  scared  troops, 
picked  off  the  men  as  if  shooting  game.  The 
slaughter  would  have  been  yet  heavier  but  for 
the  entrenchment  which  had  been  made  by  the 
company  of  the  Ninety-second,  left  over  night 
on  the  Nek  between  the  Inquela  and  the  Majuba. 

[142] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

Captain  Robertson  was  joined  at  dawn  from 
camp  by  a  company  of  the  Sixtieth,  under  Cap- 
tain Thurlow.  Later  there  arrived  at  the  en- 
trenchment on  the  Nek  a  troop  of  the  Fifteenth 
Hussars,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Sulli- 
van. After  midday  the  sound  of  the  firing  on  the 
Majuba  rapidly  increased,  and  men  were  seen 
running  down  the  hill  towards  the  laager,  one 
of  whom  brought  in  the  tidings  that  the  Boers 
had  captured  the  position,  that  most  of  the 
troops  were  killed  or  prisoners,  and  that  the 
general  was  dead  with  a  bullet  through  his  head. 
Wounded  men  presently  came  pouring  in, 
and  were  attended  by  Surgeon-Major  Cornish. 
The  laager  was  manned  by  the  two  companies, 
and  outposts  were  thrown  out,  which  were  soon 
driven  in  by  large  bodies  of  mounted  Boers, 
under  whose  fire  men  fell  fast.  Robertson  de- 
spatched the  rifle  company  down  the  ravine 
towards  the  camp,  and  a  little  later  followed  with 
the  company  of  the  Ninety-second  under  a 
murderous  fire  from  the  Boers,  who  had  reached 
and  occupied  the  entrenchment.  The  High- 
landers lost  heavily  in  the  retreat,  and  Surgeon- 
Major  Cornish  was  killed.  The  surviving  fugi- 
tives from  Majuba  and  from  the  laager  finally 
reached  camp  under  cover  of  the  artillery  fire 
from  it,  which  ultimately  stopped  the  pursuit. 
With  the  consent  of  the  Boer  leaders  a  tern- 

[143] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

porary  hospital  was  established  at  a  farmhouse 
near  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  and  throughout 
the  cold  and  wet  night  the  medical  staff  never 
ceased  to  search  for  and  bring  in  the  wounded. 
Sir  George  Colley's  body  was  brought  into  camp 
on  March  1,  and  buried  there  with  full  military 
honors.  The  other  dead  of  the  Majuba  fight 
rest  in  a  cemetery  on  the  plateau  of  the  mountain 
summit  —  victims  of  a  strange  and  almost  in- 
credible folly. 

Sir  Evelyn  Wood  reached  Newcastle  on  March 
4,  and  assumed  command.  On  the  6th  he  met 
the  Boer  leaders,  when  an  armistice  to  last  for 
eight  days  was  agreed  upon.  The  British  garri- 
sons in  the  Transvaal  were  revictu  ailed  for 
twelve  days,  pending  the  raising  of  their  siege  on 
the  consummation  of  peace;  and  Sir  Evelyn 
Wood  acknowledged  the  right  of  the  Transvaal 
people  to  complete  self-government  subject  to 
the  suzerainty  of  the  Queen.  Terms  of  peace 
were  signed  on  March  23,  1881;  and  the  next 
day  General  Sir  Frederick  Roberts,  who  had 
been  sent  out  with  large  reinforcements  to  suc- 
ceed Sir  George  Colley,  reached  Cape  Town, 
but  learning  of  peace  being  signed,  immediately 
sailed  home. 

The  total  number  of  Transvaal  Boers  capable 
of  carrying  arms  was  under  eight  thousand  at  the 
beginning  of  hostilities.  The  total  British  force 

[144] 


The  Boer  War  of  1881 

in  South  Africa,  or  on  the  way  thither,  at  the 
close  of  hostilities  consisted  of  thirteen  infantry 
regiments,  five  cavalry  regiments,  twenty-two 
guns,  three  naval  brigades  —  in  all,  not  far 
short  of  twenty  thousand  men.  This  total  was 
exclusive  of  the  British  garrisons  besieged  in  the 
Transvaal  during  the  war.  The  Boer  casual- 
ties throughout  the  war,  as  already  mentioned, 
amounted  to  forty-three  killed  and  fifty-eight 
wounded.  The  British  casualties  were  over 
eight  hundred  killed  and  wounded.  At  Majuba 
the  Boers  had  one  man  killed  and  five  men 
wounded. 


[145] 


VI 

The   Bombardment   of 
Alexandria 

By  MAX  PEMBERTON 

TO  step  from  the  boat  of  a  yacht  to  the 
quay  at  Alexandria  is  to  step  from  the 
West  to  the  fringe  of  the  East.  All 
about  you  are  porters,  guides,  beggars,  loafers, 
thieves,  cut-throats,  and  impostors.  Bales  of 
cotton,  barrels,  hampers,  trollies,  lumber  the 
wharves.  The  din  and  babble  are  beyond  de- 
scription. A  hundred  rogues  strive  and  push 
if  thereby  they  may  touch  the  hem  of  your  gar- 
ment and  claim  backsheesh.  Pass  through  the 
Customs,  and  so  out  to  the  native  quarters  and 
to  the  bazaar,  and  the  scene  is  scarce  to  be  de- 
scribed. Men  of  every  Eastern  nation  seem 
here  to  congregate.  Turks  curse  Greeks; 
Greeks,  in  their  turn,  curse  Jews  and  Gopts, 
Hindoos,  Nubians,  and  Albanians.  The  blaze 
of  color  is  dazzling,  yet  ever  picturesque.  Dirks 
are  sheathed  in  gorgeous  girdles;  the  butts  of 
pistols  protrude  upon  richly  embroidered  vests 
and  amazing  tunics.  Black  men  and  white 
men,  brown  men  and  yellow  men,  some  with 

1116] 


THE   BOMBARDMENT  OF   ALEXANDRIA  /.  146 


The  Bombardment  of  Alexandria 

jackets,  some  with  long,  flowing  robes,  some  al- 
most naked,  urge  you  to  the  deal  or  throw  them- 
selves upon  your  pity.  Donkey  boys  hasten  to 
show  you  how  well  they  understand  your  tongue, 
in  the  polite  and  well-meant  invitation  to  "have 

a donkey,  sir."     Often  you   step   aside  to 

avoid  the  lurch  of  the  camel;  your  eyes  follow 
the  stately  swing  of  the  Arab  from  the  desert  as 
he  paces  some  narrow  alley,  with  head  bent  and 
his  long  gun  in  his  hand.  Priests  abound  - 
Greek  priests,  Coptic  priests,  Roman  priests. 
No  nation  seems  unrepresented  in  this  medley 
of  sound  and  strange  colors;  of  narrow,  crooked, 
unpaved  lanes  and  gorgeous  modern  enterprises. 
If  this  be  a  description  rather  of  the  Alexan- 
dria of  the  past  than  of  the  Alexandria  of  to-day, 
it  is  better  suited  to  my  purposes.  Any  endeavor 
to  make  clear  the  sequence  of  events  which  led 
up  to  the  bombardment  and  subsequent  sack  of 
the  city  must  include  some  attempt  to  describe 
chat  curious  coupling  of  West  to  East  which  has 
been  a  feature  of  the  place  since  Mehemet  Ali 
sought  to  restore  its  greatness,  and  to  rear  up  a 
new  fabric  upon  the  ashes  of  decay  which  the 
Turk  had  left.  In  the  year  1882  you  found 
many  races  in  the  seat  of  the  Ptolemies;  but  a 
broad  line  of  demarcation  between  the  two 
forces  was  clearly  laid  down.  While  Copts  and 
Greeks  and  Hindoos  and  Arabs  swarmed  in  the 

[147] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

bazaars,  and  a  first  impression  was  one  of  many 
peoples  and  many  creeds,  a  rough  division  was 
easy  to  make.  Christian  and  Mohammedan  — 
between  these  lay  the  Egyptian  question,  so  far 
as  this  city  was  concerned  with  it. 

Side  by  side  the  strongholds  of  the  two  powers 
stood  — -  one,  the  dirty,  unpaved  streets,  the  booths 
and  kennels  and  bazaars;  the  other,  the  great 
square  of  Mehemet  AH,  with  the  cafes  and  com- 
mercial buildings,  the  Palais  de  Justice,  the 
churches,  the  theater,  and  the  houses  of  the  mer- 
chants. Everything  which  tends  to  promote 
racial  hatred  and  national  instability  was  here  to 
be  discerned,  .when  in  the  earlier  months  of  the 
year  1882  the  dangerous  problem  became  ripe 
for  partial  solution.  A  national  party  strove  for 
so-called  freedom;  a  Christian  party  strove  for 
more  stable  guarantees.  Arabs  hated  Greeks 
and  Copts;  Christians  warred  against  the  Arab 
in  turn,  and  went  in  fear  of  him.  Year  by  year 
the  beacons  of  revolution  were  plied,  until,  in 
the  last  moments  of  Arabi's  power,  the  flicker 
of  a  crisis  was  sufficient  to  light  them ;  and  these 
beacons  being  kindled,  gave  the  signal  for  the 
Egyptian  campaign  of  1882. 

I  am  not  concerned  with  the  defence  of  Arabi 
Pasha,  nor  with  the  discussion  of  those  large 
claims  made  on  his  behalf  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Egyptian  war.  It  is  sufficient  for  me  to  re- 

[148] 


The  Bombardment  of  Alexandria 

member  that  he  was  War-Minister  to  the  Khe- 
dive in  the  earlier  months  of  the  year  1882,  and 
that  he  was  the  spokesman  of  all  those  turbu- 
lent elements  of  Mohammedan  dominion  which 
threatened  at  one  time  to  make  him  the  most 
successful  dictator  of  the  latter  half  of  the  cen- 
tury. Patriot  possibly  he  was;  but  that  pure 
patriotism  was  not  the  ultimate  goal  of  his  am- 
bitions all  the  events  of  that  strange  year  made 
manifest.  No  doubt,  the  antipathy  to  Euro- 
pean influences,  and  general  hatred  of  the  Euro- 
pean colony  in  Egypt,  helped  Arabi  largely  in 
his  demand,  in  the  year  1881,  for  a  general  in- 
crease of  the  army,  and  for  a  more  popular  and 
purely  Egyptian  ministry.  But  once  he  found 
the  Khedive  pliant  in  his  hands,  the  step  from 
agitation  to  action  was  a  short  one.  Early  in 
the  next  year  we  find  the  weak  Prince  Tewfik 
nominated  by  the  Powers,  and  Arabi  setting  up 
practically  as  the  dictator  of  the  Egyptian  peo- 
ples. His  cry  that  the  foreigner  should  be 
driven  out  of  the  country  brought  thousands  to 
his  banner.  That  he  had  the  sympathy  of  his 
countrymen  there  can  be  no  question.  That  it 
was  impossible  for  Britain  as  a  Power  to  submit 
to  his  authority,  and  to  the  government  by  arms 
which  he  sought  to  set  up,  was  equally  apparent. 
Thus  in  June  of  the  year  1882  the  English  were 
fighting  for  the  Khedive  against  his  own  Minis- 

[149] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

ter  of  War,  and  engaged  in  an  undertaking 
which  could  end  only  in  their  final  expulsion 
from  the  country  or  their  temporary  occupation 
of  it. 

The  first  sparks  of  war  were  to  be  observed  in 
Alexandria  in  the  June  of  the  last-named  year. 
A  sudden  rioting  and  massacre  of  Christians  - 
principally  Greeks  —  added  to  an  insult  to  the 
British  Consul,  sowed  the  seeds  of  that  which 
was  to  mature  so  quickly.  For  many  weeks  the 
Mediterranean  fleet,  under  the  command  of 
Admiral  Sir  Beauchamp  Seymour,  lay  off  the 
harbors  of  the  city  as  a  visible  token  of  British 
determination  to  uphold  the  Khedive  against 
Arabi,  and  of  the  intention  to  protect  the  Chris- 
tian population.  Hundreds  of  the  latter  mean- 
while fled  from  Alexandria  —  some  to  Greece, 
the  majority  to  Italy.  It  became  dangerous 
for  a  European  to  venture  abroad  alone  even  in 
the  earlier  hours  of  day.  Robberies  were  fre- 
quent, and  assassinations  common. 

Arabi  himself  waxed  bolder  every  day.  He 
boasted  that  he  could,  with  the  forces  at  his  com- 
mand, hold  the  city  against  the  fleets  of  all  Europe. 
He  busied  himself  with  the  training  of  engineers ; 
he  began  at  the  last  to  strengthen  the  forts  and 
to  throw  up  new  earthworks.  It  was  an  anx- 
ious moment  for  "Jack"  when,  on  the  night  of 
July  6,  1882,  the  searchlight  was  turned  upon 

[150] 


The  Bombardment  of  Alexandria 

the  fortifications  near  the  Ras-el-Tin  Palace, 
and  two  hundred  of  Arabi's  sappers  were  seen 
busy  with  pick  and  shovel.  The  result  was  the 
immediate  demand  for  the  cessation  of  all  works 
upon  the  forts,  and,  finally,  for  the  temporary 
surrender  of  them.  Arabi,  seeking  discreetly 
to  temporize,  neglected  to  furnish  the  necessary 
guarantees  —  met  this  practically  with  a  point- 
blank  refusal.  The  reply  was  the  issue  of  an 
ultimatum  on  the  morning  of  July  10.  Either 
the  forts  were  to  be  surrendered,  or  the  city  was 
to  be  bombarded.  Arabi  chose  bombardment, 
and  the  ships  were  cleared  for  action. 

This  was  the  situation  in  the  town;  let  us  see 
what  was  the  position  in  the  harbors  before  it. 
Admiral  Sir  Beauchamp  Seymour  was  then  in 
command  of  eight  battleships  and  of  eleven  gun- 
boats ;  the  latter  principally  of  the  smallest  class. 
Nearly  all  these  ships  would  be  regarded  as 
more  or  less  obsolete  to-day,  though  the  flagship 
Invincible  carried  four  eighty-ton  guns  and 
boasted  a  speed  of  12.6  knots  an  hour.  Of  the 
others,  the  Inflexible  was  the  largest,  this  being 
the  biggest  ship  in  the  engagement,  and  one 
which  carried,  like  the  flagship,  four  eighty-ton 
guns.  With  her  were  the  Sultan,  the  Superb, 
the  Alexandra,  the  Temeraire,  the  Penelope, 
and  the  Monarch.  The  latter  ships,  built  in  the 
years  1867  and  1868  respectively,  were  then 

[151] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

comparatively  old ;  but  the  Superb,  the  Inflexible, 
the  Temeraire,  and  the  Alexandra  represented 
the  then  most  recent  naval  phase.  That  was 
the  day  of  a  belief  in  big  guns.  Europe  had 
watched  the  building  of  sixty-eight,  eighty,  and 
even  one  hundred-ton  guns,  and  had  asked  ex- 
pectantly, "What  of  the  results?"  The  revolt 
of  Arabi  promised  the  British  that  which  they 
had  speculated  upon,  and  discussed,  and  weighed 
up  for  forty  years  —  the  spectacle  of  their  fleet 
in  action.  When  at  last  the  crisis  came  — • 
when  the  ultimatum  went  forth,  and  French, 
American,  and  Italian  warships  steamed  from 
the  harbors  of  Alexandria,  while  refugees  fled 
from  the  city  as  from  a  pestilence  —  the  excite- 
ment waxed  strong.  As  for  the  British  Jack 
Tars,  they  were  sick  with  hope.  For  weeks  they 
had  been  saying,  "To-morrow,  to-morrow  is  the 
day!"  For  weeks  they  had  borne  with  disap- 
pointment and  postponement  as  they  lay  under 
the  shadow  of  the  great  forts,  and  waited  for  the 
booming  of  the  signal  gun.  But  now,  surely, 
the  hour  was  at  hand.  Small  wonder  if  they 
doubted  that  such  a  good  thing  could  ever  be. 

For  the  fuller  understanding  of  the  engage- 
ment of  the  famous  July  11,  let  us  take  our 
stand  upon  the  flagship  Invincible,  anchored 
outside  the  harbor  of  the  city.  There  are 
two  harbors  before  us — an  inner  harbor  and 

[152] 


The  Bombardment  of  Alexandria 

a  large  outer  basin  defended  by  the  break- 
water. To  the  southeast  there  stands  up 
the  great  Marabout  fort,  forming  the  southern 
point  of  the  bay,  whereon  the  city  is  built.  To 
the  northeast  is  the  Pharos  fort,  boasting 
more  than  a  hundred  guns  of  all  calibers,  and 
conspicuous  for  its  massive  tower.  Roughly 
speaking,  you  may  regard  the  shape  of  the  shore 
of  the  Alexandria  of  to-day  as  that  of  a  pair  of 
horns  sticking  out  into  the  sea  with  the  Pharos 
Light  as  the  north  tip  and  the  Ras-el-Tin  Palace 
and  lighthouse  as  the  southern  tip.  Southward 
of  this  palace,  and  in  the  curve  of  the  southern 
bay,  lie  the  famous  Mex  forts,  and  from  these 
to  Fort  Marabout  the  whole  of  the  shore  bristles 
with  guns.  It  was  against  these  guns  that  the 
British  thirsted  to  try  their  luck,  when  on  the 
night  of  July  10  they  turned  in  like  excited  chil- 
dren, and  almost  prayed  that  the  morrow  would 
find  them  listening  to  the  music  of  the  great  ar- 
tillery. 

The  Condor  was  the  first  ship  to  be  about  on 
the  following  morning,  but  long  before  six 
o'clock  the  whole  fleet  was  moving  and  active. 
At  that  hour  the  men  were  already  stripped  to 
their  flannel  jerseys,  the  great  guns  were  charged, 
the  decks  were  cleared  for  action.  The  admiral's 
plan  was  now  known  to  all.  He  had  determined 
upon  three  attacks  —  the  Invincible,  the  Mon- 

[153] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

arch,  and  the  Penelope  to  begin  work  from  the 
harbor;  the  Inflexible  to  attack  the  Mex  forts; 
the  Superb,  the  Sultan,  and  the  Alexandra  to 
operate  from  outside  the  harbor,  and  to  center 
their  fire  first  upon  the  forts  by  the  Ras-el-Tin 
Palace,  and  then,  steaming  to  the  northeast,  to 
demolish  Fort  Ada  and  the  Pharos.  As  for  the 
puny  gunboats,  they  were  to  lie  behind  the  war- 
ships, and  to  act  as  occasion  required.  That 
they  were  permitted  soon  to  depart  from  this 
inglorious  position  the  whole  record  makes 
manifest. 

Six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  the  men  were 
at  the  stations.  Forbiddingly  and  majestically, 
the  dark  hulls  of  the  eight  ironclads  stood  up 
above  the  sunlit  water.  Scores  of  merchant- 
men, which  had  showed  their  heels  to  the  har- 
bors directly  bombardment  was  threatened,  now 
lay  securely  at  anchor,  eager  to  be  spectators  of 
so  glorious  a  sight.  On  shore  no  unusual  signs 
of  activity  were  at  first  apparent.  There  was 
no  ostensible  signal  of  truce.  Lieutenant  Smith, 
who  had  been  sent  to  report  upon  the  truth  of 
the  story  that  Arabi's  men  were  busy  with  arma- 
ments near  the  Slaughter-house,  returned  to  tell 
of  active  work  and  of  sappers  busy. 

Throughout  the  fleet,  excitement  was  at  its 
zenith.  Jack  had  stripped  himself  for  the  fray 
with  the  zest  that  a  schoolboy  strips  for  football. 

[154] 


The  Bombardment  of  Alexandria 

Wound  up  by  long  weeks  of  expectation,  he 
scarce  dared  to  believe  that  the  cup  was  at  his 
lips,  even  though  the  muzzles  of  the  eighty-ton- 
ners  showed  grimly  above  his  decks,  and  any 
moment  might  bring  the  thunders  of  discharge. 
For  nearly  an  hour  he  stood  at  his  post.  Half- 
past  six  came,  and  still  the  guns  were  silent;  a 
quarter  to  seven  was  marked,  and  no  note  of 
command  was  heard.  Ten  minutes  later,  and 
in  a  measure  unexpectedly,  the  Alexandra  fired 
a  shell  at  the  Pharos,  and  the  bombardment  had 
begun.  The  smoke  of  this  shot  had  scarce 
floated  away  on  the  breeze  when  the  flagship 
hoisted  the  signal  "All  vessels  engage  batteries." 
Such  a  signal  was  like  the  bell  of  a  prompter 
rung  to  raise  the  curtain  upon  a  stage  play.  In 
a  moment  the  quiet  and  the  expectancy  had 
given  place  to  the  thunder  of  cannon  and  the 
heat  of  battle.  An  American  officer  who  wit- 
nessed the  action  from  a  warship  in  the  offing 
declared  that  a  hurricane  of  sound  seemed  to 
rush  up  over  the  sea.  Instantly,  clouds  of 
smoke  and  leaping  fire  began  to  veil  the  forts. 
Crashing  reports,  the  sharper  noise  of  smaller 
guns,  even  the  singing  of  bullets,  made  the 
music  of  the  morning.  While  the  heavy  guns 
were  fired  at  long  intervals,  while  there  were 
pauses  when  you  might  have  said  that  the  fleet 
was  resting,  the  rolling  reports  from  the  shore 

[155] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

were  never  still.  Fort  Marabout,  with  its  two 
eighteen-ton  guns  and  its  host  of  smaller  weap- 
ons, emitted  a  continuing  cloud  of  fire;  the  guns 
by  Ras-el-Tin  —  two  of  them  of  twelve  tons  - 
pounded  bravely  at  the  Superb,  the  Sultan,  and 
the  Alexandra.  The  heavy  weapons  of  the 
Pharos,  joined  anon  to  those  by  the  Ras-el-Tin, 
belched  smoke  and  fla*me  unceasingly.  The 
British  attack  was  concentrated  upon  Fort  Mara- 
bout, the  Mex  forts,  and  the  fortifications  near 
the  palace.  At  this  time  the  value  of  fore  and 
aft  guns  upon  the  big  ships  was  illustrated  hu- 
morously. The  mighty  Inflexible,  standing  off 
the  outer  harbor,  thundered  away  with  her  fore 
guns  at  Ras-el-Tin,  while  from  her  stern  she 
pounded  Marabout.  If  the  shooting  of  some 
of  the  ships  was  not  particularly  good,  that  of 
others  was  admirable.  Every  shot  from  the 
Invincible  either  burst  in  the  forts  or  struck  the 
parapets  heavily.  Clouds  of  dust  and  earth, 
heavy  lumps  of  stone  rolling  seawards,  spoke 
eloquently  of  the  accuracy  of  her  gunners.  A 
middy,  named  Hardy,  tucked  up  in  her  main- 
top, helped  with  signals  whose  value  was  be- 
yond praise.  Never  did  a  marker  at  Wimbledon 
follow  the  path  of  a  bullet  with  keener  eyes  than 
those  with  which  Midshipman  Hardy  watched 
the  flight  of  the  great  shells.  Though  a  hail  of 
shot  fell  all  about  him,  and  the  smoke  was  so 

[156] 


The  Bombardment  of  Alexandria 

heavy  over  the  decks  that  the  gunners  were  like 
men  walking  in  the  dark,  the  accuracy  of  the 
lad's  judgment  was  unfailing.  Even  the  ad- 
miral thanked  him;  and  as  hit  after  hit  was  re- 
corded, the  whole  crew  fell  to  cheering  with 
voices  that  were  heard  by  every  sailor  in  the 
fleet.  "It  was  Eton  and  Harrow  over  again," 
said  an  observer.  And  that  was  true. 

If  this  plucky  lad  deserves  a  line  of  special 
eulogy,  we  must  not  forget  that  others  were  at 
the  same  time  displaying  courage  worthy  of  the 
highest  traditions  of  Jack  in  action.  The  story 
of  the  Condor  has  been  written  many  times.  It 
will  bear  writing  again  and  yet  again  whereso- 
ever the  record  of  the  British  navy  is  laid  down. 
I  have  said  that  this  gallant  little  ship,  whose 
only  armament  was  two  small  sixty-four  pound- 
ers and  one  seven-inch  Woolwich  rifled  gun, 
had  been  the  first  to  be  moving  on  that  mem- 
orable day.  She  was  also  the  first  of  the  gun- 
boats to  get  into  action.  Though  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  admiral  were  that  the  gad-flies 
should  be  more  or  less  spectators,  acting  as  the 
occasion  required,  it  was  not  many  minutes  be- 
fore Lord  Charles  Beresford  determined  that 
the  occasion  required  him  to  try  his  three 
small  guns  upon  the  massive  fortifications  of 
Marabout. 

The  idea,  bold  to  the  last  point  of  courage, 

[157] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

was  not  lacking  method.  It  was  Lord  Charles's 
notion  that  the  Gatling  might  tickle  up  the 
gunners  of  Marabout,  and  send  so  many  of 
them  to  an  honorable  grave  that  the  bigger 
guns  would  find  no  servants.  With  this  in  his 
head,  he  took  a  liberal  view  of  the  general  in- 
structions, and  bringing  the  Condor  to  within 
twelve  hundred  yards  of  the  fort  —  the  shoal 
prevented  him  from  getting  nearer  —  he  began 
his  merry  attack.  Never  did  a  crew  follow  a 
daring  skipper  more  resolutely.  The  men  of 
the  Condor  had  been  near  to  shedding  tears  of 
rage  in  the  early  morning  when  an  order  from 
the  flagship  compelled  them  to  go  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Temeraire,  which  had  floundered 
upon  the  shore.  They  had  thought  that  they 
must  do  the  work  of  a  mere  tug,  and  miss  such 
glorious  fun  as  was  to  be  had  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Arabi's  guns.  From  that  degradation 
Lord  Charles  saved  them  swiftly.  The  rattle 
of  the  Gatling,  the  crack  of  his  larger  weapons, 
seemed  at  first  like  the  music  of  a  mere  farce. 
His  shot,  said  observers,  would  be  as  a  hail  of 
peas  to  the  gunners  in  the  great  fort.  That  the 
gunners  took  the  same  view  was  proved  by  their 
action.  They  continued  to  concentrate  all  their 
fire  upon  the  three  warships  which  were  troub- 
ling them.  As  for  that  toy-boat  which  menaced 

[158] 


The  Bombardment  of  Alexandria 

them,  they  regarded  it  as  a  fine  stimulant  to 
laughter. 

It  is  not  recorded  how  soon  these  laughter- 
loving  gentlemen  changed  their  opinion.  Cer- 
tain is  it  that  three  of  their  guns  were  disabled, 
and  that  many  of  them  must  have  paid  the  pen- 
alty of  their  humor  when  at  last  they  awoke  to 
the  situation,  and  concentrated  all  their  fire 
upon  the  wasp  whose  sting  they  had  felt  so 
sharply.  Shell  after  shell  then  hissed  over  the 
plucky  little  ship.  One  struck  her  heavily,  but 
not  in  a  vital  line.  Shot  seemed  to  rain  near 
her  decks,  and  still  she  stuck  to  her  work,  while 
other  gunboats  came  to  her  assistance,  and  the 
Bittern,  the  Beacon,  the  Decoy,  and  the  Cygnet 
were  all  barking  merrily.  Soon  the  fire  from 
Marabout  began  to  slacken.  The  telling  shoot- 
ing from  the  Invincible,  whose  huge  shells  went 
home  every  time,  coupled  to  the  merry  attack 
of  the  gunboats,  finished  the  work.  The  ad- 
miral signalled,  "Well  done,  Condor"  Cheer 
after  cheer  rang  over  the  waters.  The  Inflexible 
took  up  the  cry.  The  fleet  declared  that  a  deed 
of  surpassing  bravery  had  been  done  that  day. 

The  hour  of  action  is  not  the  fitting  hour  to 
meditate  upon  individual  deeds,  and  the  atten- 
tion of  Jack  was  soon  called  from  the  Condor  to 
new  scenes.  It  was  plain  to  him  that  the  hours 
of  "Horrible  Pasha"  were  numbered  in  Alexan- 

[159] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

dria.  Marabout  was  done  with ;  the  guns  of  the 
Mex  Forts  were  so  far  silenced  at  one  o'clock 
that  a  force  was  despatched  to  land  and,  if 
possible,  finish  the  business  speedily.  So  great 
was  the  impatience  of  its  members  to  get  ashore, 
that  Major  Tullock  sprang  from  the  launch  and 
swam  to  the  outworks.  But  the  Egyptian  sol- 
diers made  no  reply :  a  fact  for  which  no  one  has 
accounted  satisfactorily  to  this  day.  While  our 
men  expected  every  moment  to  hear  the  hiss  of 
their  bullets,  or  to  see  them  sweeping  to  the 
charge,  not  a  sound  was  raised  nor  a  uniform 
discerned.  Dexterously  and  quickly  the  two 
ten-inch  guns  were  burst  and  the  others  spiked. 
A  shot  from  the  Invincible  had  already  destroyed 
the  powder  magazine,  and  half-past  two  had  not 
come  when  Mex  was  done  with. 

From  that  hour  until  half-past  four,  when  the 
career  of  "Horrible  Pasha"  in  Alexandria  was 
practically  closed,  the  account  of  the  bombard- 
ment is  chiefly  an  account  of  the  silencing  of 
Fort  Ada  and  of  the  Pharos.  To  the  Inflexible 
was  given  the  greater  part  of  the  latter  task,  and 
right  well  did  she  acquit  herself.  The  shells 
from  her  eighty-ton  guns  thundered  upon  the 
doomed  town  like  a  visitation  from  the  heavens. 
Earth  and  mortar  and  debris  rose  in  blinding 
clouds.  The  neighboring  buildings  suffered 
heavily;  even  the  English  Consulate  was  threat- 

[160] 


The  Bombardment  of  Alexandria 

ened.  Anon,  a  terrific  explosion  spoke  of  the 
wrecking  of  her  powder  magazine.  Two  hun- 
dred men,  an  authority  computed,  were  killed 
by  that  single  discharge.  The  Superb,  the  Sul- 
tan, and  the  Alexandra,  helping  the  end,  rained 
great  shot  upon  the  rapidly  succumbing  forts. 
When  two  bells  in  the  first  dog-watch  was  struck, 
the  voice  of  Arabi  was  no  longer  to  be  heard. 
The  admiral  caused  the  "Cease  fire"  to  be  sig- 
nalled. The  bombardment  of  Alexandria  was 
a  victorious  fact. 

We  can  well  imagine  in  what  spirits  Jack 
turned  into  his  bunk  that  night.  To  say  that 
he  was  excited  is  to  use  a  commonplace  where  a 
commonplace  will  not  suffice.  Few  in  that  fleet 
had  seen  a  shot  fired  in  earnest  from  a  great 
battleship.  Few  had  been  permitted  to  witness 
a  beaten  and  cowed  city  in  the  first  hours  of  its 
destruction.  When  Jack  turned  in,  flames  were 
still  to  be  seen  in  the  European  quarters  of  the 
town.  Like  beacons  of  the  defeated,  they  flared 
up  at  many  points,  kindled  as  much  by  the  loot- 
ers, whom  Arabi  had  left  as  his  legacy,  as  by  the 
shells  which  the  British  guns  had  dropped. 
While  they  burned,  and  after  the  question, 
"What  of  to-morrow?"  Jack  fell  to  discussing 
to-day.  Already  it  was  whispered  that  the  fleet 
had  lost  only  ten  men.  Two  were  killed  upon 
the  Sultan,  which  had  been  hit  no  less  than 

[161] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

twenty-three  times.  The  Alexandra,  which  had 
fourteen  shells  in  her,  had  lost  one  man.  The 
Superb  and  the  Inflexible  each  mourned  one 
brave  fellow.  Of  wounded  there  were  twenty- 
seven:  the  unfortunate  Sultan  nursing  seven  of 
these,  the  Invincible  six,  the  Alexandra  three,  the 
Inflexible  two,  the  Superb  one.  To  the  list  of 
dead,  unhappily,  there  was  added  subsequently 
the  name  of  Lieutenant  Jackson,  who  was  struck 
and  mortally  wounded  by  the  same  shell  which 
killed  the  carpenter  of  the  Inflexible. 

But,  viewed  in  any  light,  the  loss  was  amaz- 
ingly small.  Granted  that  the  gunners  of  Arabi 
were  unworthy  of  the  officers  who  led  them  so 
gallantly,  none  the  less  did  it  seem  miraculous 
that  the  ships  should  face  the  fire  of  some  hun- 
dreds of  guns  for  ten  hours,  and  that  three  of 
them  should  not  have  a  dead  man  to  show.  The 
little  Condor  had  no  casualty  of  any  sort.  The 
crews  of  the  other  gunboats  were  without  a 
scratch.  Jack  told  his  mates  this,  and  his  jubi- 
lation was  unbounded.  Nor  could  he  forget  that 
rewards  were  ripe  for  plucking.  The  name  of 
Lord  Charles  was  upon  many  tongues.  Mid- 
shipman Hardy  was  a  hero  of  the  night.  Major 
Tullock's  plucky  swim  through  the  surf  before 
Fort  Marabout,  the  daring  of  his  comrades  when 
spiking  the  guns,  were  things  to  tell  and  tell 
again.  It  was  good  to  hear  that  Gunner  Hard- 

[162] 


The  Bombardment  of  Alexandria 

ing,  of  the  Alexandra,  had  picked  up  a  live  shell 
from  his  main  deck  and  soused  it  in  water  with 
the  coolness  of  a  man  rinsing  a  rag.  None  knew 
at  that  time  that  Arabi  had  withdrawn  his  forces 
and  retired  upon  Rosetta.  "The  morning  gun 
will  be  a  signal  for  resumption,"  said  Jack.  In 
which  hope  he  lay  down  at  last  upon  a  night  to 
be  forever  memorable  among  the  nights  which 
he  would  live. 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th  an  early  observa- 
tion made  it  clear  that  the  survivors  of  Arabi's 
force  had  not  been  altogether  idle  during  the 
night.  Fort  Moncrieff,  whose  two  barbette 
guns,  mounted  on  the  Moncrieff  system,  had 
offered  such  a  stubborn  and  lasting  resistance  to 
the  fire  of  the  Alexandra,  the  Superb,  and  the 
Sultan,  obviously  had  been  repaired.  Else- 
where, however,  there  was  no  sign  either  of 
activity  or  of  truce ;  and  when  this  was  plain,  the 
Inflexible  and  Temeraire  opened  fire  again,  their 
first  three  shots  practically  laying  low  all  that 
Arabi's  men  had  done  in  the  night.  With  these 
shots  the  whole  work  of  the  morning  ended.  A 
white  flag,  displayed  upon  Ras-el-Tin,  caused 
the  admiral  to  signal  the  "Cease  firing"  almost 
with  the  echo  of  the  first  gun.  For  the  rest  of 
the  day  the  men  lay  idle,  while  in  Alexandria 
herself  awful  scenes  of  massacre  and  of  pillage 
were  being  prepared  for.  Nearly  the  last  act  of 

[163] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

Arabi  had  been  to  let  loose  his  so-called  Bed- 
ouins —  in  reality  cut-throats  and  robbers  of  the 
finest  brand.  When  night  fell  on  the  12th,  these 
men  were  already  busy.  How  many  Christians 
they  slaughtered  in  the  streets,  what  was  the 
sum  total  of  their  pillage,  will  never  be  known. 
All  that  could  be  surmised  was  the  story  of  the 
leaping  flames  which  rose  up  in  clouds  of  lurid 
fire  from  every  quarter  of  the  city.  Alexandria 
was  burning  —  destroyed  by  those  who  had 
boasted  of  their  desire  to  become  a  nation  and 
to  save  their  country. 

Throughout  the  night  the  nameless  horrors 
were  at  their  zenith.  The  tremendous  holo- 
caust lighted  the  devils  at  their  work  of  murder 
and  of  pillage.  How  many  defenceless  men 
cried  for  mercy  and  were  not  answered,  how 
many  were  stabbed  or  ripped  open  and  shot, 
history  will  never  tell  us.  We  can  only  imagine 
the  scene  so  full  of  terror  and  of  dread.  No 
sack  of  modern  times  is  to  be  named  with  this 
sack  of  the  city  of  the  Ptolemies.  During  two 
days  the  riot,  the  incendiarism,  and  the  murder 
were  unchecked.  Lack  of  instruction  held  the 
admiral's  hand.  For  forty-eight  hours  he  felt 
it  impossible  to  send  help  to  the  hunted  Chris- 
tians, whose  brothers'  blood  was  running  red  in 
the  alleys  and  in  the  squares.  When,  at  last,  a 
landing  was  effected,  and  an  heroic  attempt  was 

[164] 


The  Bombardment  of  Alexandria 

made  to  grapple  with  the  situation,  Alexandria 
was  no  more.  Empty,  rocking  shells  marked 
the  spot  where  houses  had  been;  smouldering 
heaps  of  cinders  stood  for  churches  and  for  cafes. 
In  the  European  quarter  there  was  hardly  a 
building  which  had  not  some  scar  to  show. 
The  French  Consulate  was  a  heap  of  ruins. 
In  the  Rue  Cherif  Pasha,  only  the  Anglo-Egyp- 
tian bank  stood  up.  So  great  a  space  had  been 
cleared  by  fire  around  the  statue  of  Mehemet  Ali 
that  those  most  familiar  with  the  center  could 
not  tell  where  they  were.  Ras-el-Tin  had  been 
looted  with  a  fine  appreciation  of  finish.  In  the 
Rosetta  Road  the  very  pavements  were  littered 
with  the  broken  clock-cases,  the  remnants  of 
jewel-boxes,  the  splinters  of  the  plunder  and  the 
loot.  An  early  examination  of  the  forts  —  one 
of  the  first  tasks  of  the  men  —  spoke  of  a  success 
for  British  guns  beyond  any  which  had  been 
looked  for.  Jack  heard  with  wonder  that  every 
engineer  or  gunner  in  the  service  of  Arabi  had 
been  killed.  The  famed  Pharos  fort  was  a  heap 
of  ruins  woful  to  see.  The  great  tower  had  be- 
come a  crumbling  mass  of  ruins;  of  the  hundred 
weapons  of  all  sizes  not  one  had  escaped.  Two 
great  twelve-ton  guns  had  been  so  shelled  that 
they  stood  straight  up  on  end,  their  muzzles 
pointing  to  the  sky.  The  gunners  of  the  In- 
vincible had  received  orders  to  respect  a  tomb 

[165] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

rising  up  in  the  center  of  Marabout.  When 
the  English  entered  the  fort  they  found  the  sar- 
cophagus absolutely  unharmed,  though  shell  had 
fallen  all  around  it  and  the  environing  district 
was  appalling.  In  Fort  Ada  there  was  the  cus- 
tomary cat  yawning  and  prowling  as  though 
inexpressibly  bored  by  the  whole  thing. 


VII 
Kassassin   and   Tel-el-Kebir 

By  CHARLES  LOWE 

A  RABI  PASHA  and  his  rebellious  ambi- 
/— %  tion  were  the  cause  of  the  British  cam- 
paign in  the  battle  of  Tel-el-Kebir — a 
word  which  simply  means  "the  large  village." 
Arabi  was  of  low  origin,  but  had  risen  by  his 
ability  and  force  of  character  to  be  a  very  popu- 
lar colonel  in  the  Egyptian  army  of  the  Sultan 
of  Turkey's  Viceroy,  or  Khedive,  Tewfik.  He 
was  an  ardent  advocate  of  the  policy  of  "  Egypt 
for  the  Egyptians";  but  in  the  championship  of 
this  policy  he  forgot  that,  amongst  other  coun- 
tries, England  had  immense  interests  at  stake 
in  Egypt,  not  only  as  the  holder  of  about  four 
millions  sterling  of  Suez  Canal  stock,  but  also 
as  the  mistress  of  India,  to  which  the  Canal 
formed  a  commercial  and  military  route. 

His  defeat  at  Alexandria,  far  from  breaking 
the  power  and  pride  of  Arabi,  had  the  effect  only 
of  deepening  his  hatred  of  the  English,  and  he 
retired  into  the  interior  with  the  view  of  organ- 
izing further  opposition.  He  had  thrown  down 
the  gauntlet,  and  England  could  not  refuse  to 
pick  it  up.  As  the  fleet  could  not  sail  up  the 

[167] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

Nile  to  Cairo,  it  was  necessary  to  equip  and 
send  out  an  army  which  should  land  in  Egypt, 
seek  out  Arabi  wherever  he  was  to  be  found, 
and  make  an  end,  once  and  forever,  of  him  and 
his  rebellious  force.  This  army  was  entrusted 
to  the  command  of  Sir  Garnet  (afterwards  Vis- 
count) Wolseley,  who  had  already  distinguished 
himself  in  so  many  of  "little  wars"  that  he  was 
facetiously  termed  by  the  British  "our  only 
General." 

Before  leaving  England  he  laid  his  hand,  with 
remarkable  foresight,  upon  the  map,  and,  point- 
ing to  Tel-el-Kebir,  said  that  he  would  engage 
and  beat  the  army  of  Arabi  there,  about  the  13th 
of  September;  and  he  kept  his  word  to  the  very 
letter. 

To  accomplish  this  task,  England  at  once  be- 
gan to  bring  together  in  Egypt  an  army  —  or 
Army  Corps  —  of  about  forty  thousand  men. 
Some  came  from  the  garrisons  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean —  Malta,  Cyprus,  and  Gibraltar  — 
others  were  brought  from  India,  and  the  re- 
mainder sent  out  straight  from  England. 

Being  gathered,  as  it  was,  from  so  many  dif- 
ferent sources,  this  huge  force  could  not,  of 
course,  all  land  at  once;  but  the  marvel  was  that 
its  component  parts  reached  the  trysting-ground 
in  Egypt  so  soon  as  they  did,  and  it  was  ad- 
mitted on  all  hands  that  no  other  nation  in  the 

[168] 


Kassassin  and  Tel-el-Kebir 

whole  world  could  have  performed  such  a  diffi- 
cult transport  operation  so  swiftly  and  so  well. 

Ismailia,  on  the  Canal,  midway  between  Port 
Said  and  Suez,  had  been  aimed  at  by  Sir  Garnet 
from  the  beginning;  and  here,  in  truth,  on  the 
20th  of  August  —  only  a  short  eighteen  days 
after  he  had  left  England  by  the  sea  route  —  the 
British  army  began  to  disembark  on  the  burning 
sands  of  Egypt. 

Among  these  burning  sands  water  was  more 
precious  than  gold  and  silver  to  the  British  sol- 
dier; but  the  only  source  of  its  supply  was  the 
Fresh-water  Canal  running  through  the  arid 
desert  from  the  Nile  to  Ismailia  alongside  of  a 
railway  line,  and  it  therefore  behooved  the  Eng- 
lish commander  to  secure  the  water  in  this  canal 
from  being  cut  off  by  the  enemy.  But  to  do 
this  it  was  necessary  above  all  things  to  push 
forward  an  advance  force  about  twenty  miles 
into  the  very  heart  of  the  desert  as  far  as  a  place 
called  Kassassin,  where  there  was  a  lock,  and 
accordingly  this  was  done  with  the  utmost  cour- 
age and  promptitude. 

At  Mahuta  the  Egyptians  had  made  an  at- 
tempt to  bar  this  advance,  but  their  opposition 
was  swept  away  like  chaff,  and  soon  thereafter 
General  Graham  reached  Kassassin  Lock  with 
his  vanguard,  entrenching  himself  in  that  position 
with  strict  orders  to  hold  it  against  all  comers. 

[169] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

Well  aware  of  the  importance  of  this  position 
for  the  British,  the  Egyptians  made  several  at- 
tempts to  drive  them  out  of  it  and  back  to 
Ismailia  before  reinforcements  could  reach  them ; 
but  each  time  they  recoiled  from  the  enterprise 
with  the  bitter  conviction  that  British  bullets 
and  sabers  were  things  on  which  no  one  could 
reasonably  hope  to  whet  his  teeth  and  thrive. 
Two  main  actions  were  fought  at  Kassassin  — 
though  these  formed  the  mere  prelude,  so  to 
speak,  to  the  grand  spectacular  drama  that  was 
presently  to  be  enacted  at  Tel-el-Kebir. 

The  chief  of  these  preliminary  actions,  fought 
on  the  28th  of  August,  will  always  be  memorable 
for  the  grand  cavalry  charge  which  closed  it. 
Early  in  the  morning  General  Graham  had  be- 
come aware  that  the  Egyptians  were  making 
preparations  to  attack  him  from  a  circle  of  sand- 
hills which  formed  a  kind  of  amphitheater 
around  Kassassin.  Graham's  force  was  by  no 
means  a  large  one,  but  it  was  impossible  for  the 
Egyptians  to  make  out  how  strong  it  really  was, 
and  it  is  always  half  the  battle  to  be  able  to  con- 
ceal your  plans  and  numbers  from  the  enemy. 
A  few  days  previously  Arabi  had  sent  out  his 
second-in-command,  Mahmoud  Fehmi  Pasha, 
a  great  engineer  and  reader  of  military  signs,  to 
discover  the  strength  and  dispositions  of  Gra- 
ham, but  by  a  curious  accident  he  fell  into  the 

[170] 


Kassassin  and  Tel-el-Kebir 

hands  of  the  English  and  never  returned  to  his 
own  side.  To  this  capture  Arabi  himself  after- 
wards attributed  the  sole  blame  of  his  not  having 
been  able  to  oust  the  audacious  English  from 
their  advanced  post  at  Kassassin  —  and  the  in- 
cident will  show  how  very  important  it  must 
always  be  in  warfare  to  seize  and  detain  spies. 

Graham's  force  at  Kassassin  was  not  a  large 
one  (under  two  thousand) .  Drury  Lowe's  Cav- 
alry Brigade  was  stationed  some  miles  to  the 
rear  at  Mehsameh,  and  Graham  heliographed 
to  them  to  come  and  help  him  on  his  right  flank 
in  the  impending  battle.  Come  they  did  with 
right  good  will,  for  they  were  all  burning  for  a 
fight,  but  only  to  hear  that  the  Egyptians,  after 
using  their  guns  for  some  time,  had  apparently 
retired  again  behind  their  sand-hills;  so  back 
they  went  to  Mehsameh  and  off-saddled  again. 
!•'•  The  heat  was  terrific,  and  water  from  the  canal 
had  to  be  poured  on  the  heads  of  the  English 
artillerymen  to  enable  them  to  stick  to  their  guns. 
Sunstrokes  were  numerous,  but  the  men  bore 
all  their  sufferings  with  a  fortitude  truly  heroic. 
The  scorching  heat  was  probably  the  reason 
why  the  Egyptians  had  drawn  off  from  their 
first  attack  on  Kassassin,  but  towards  the  cool 
of  the  evening  they  again  began  to  push  forward 
from  their  sand-hills  and  threaten  the  British 
position.  The  left  of  this  position  was  well 

[171] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

protected,  but  the  right  less  so;  and,  indeed, 
General  Graham  expressly  made  such  a  dis- 
position of  his  force  on  the  latter  flank  as  might 
tempt  the  enemy  down  from  his  sand-hills  so  as 
to  essay  a  turning  movement,  when  they  would 
be  caught  in  the  trap  which  he  was  preparing 
for  them. 

To  this  end,  about  5.20  P.M.,  he  despatched 
his  aide-de-camp,  Lieutenant  Pirie,  Fourth 
Dragoon  Guards,  with  a  message  to  Drury  Lowe, 
in  the  rear,  at  Mehsameh,  or  wherever  he  should 
be  found,  "to  take  the  cavalry  round  by  our 
right,  under  cover  of  the  hill,  and  attack  the  left 
flank  of  the  enemy's  skirmishers." 

But  when  Lieutenant  Pirie  did  at  last  reach 
Lowe,  after  a  long  and  fatiguing  ride  through 
the  arid  desert  sand  —  in  the  course  of  which  his 
horse  fell  under  him  from  sheer  exhaustion  and 
he  had  to  borrow  another  mount  from  a  gun- 
team  —  he  delivered  his  message  in  this  altered 
form,  that  "  General  Graham  was  only  just  able 
to  hold  his  own,  and  wished  General  Drury  Lowe 
to  attack  the  left  of  the  enemy's  infantry  skir- 
mishers." The  famous  cavalry  charge  at  Bala- 
clava had  been  due  to  a  similar  mistake  in  the 
delivery  of  a  verbal  order,  though  at  Kassassin, 
as  it  turned  out,  the  repetition  of  this  mistake 
did  not  result  in  disaster,  but  in  victory.  So  far 
was  Graham  from  not  being  able  to  hold  his 

[172] 


Kassassin  and  Tel-el-Kebir 

own  that,  about  two  hours  after  despatching 
Lieutenant  Pirie  for  the  cavalry,  he  had  ordered 
a  counter-attack  and  a  general  advance  of  his 
line,  which  had  meanwhile  been  reinforced  by  a 
fresh  battery,  for  his  other  guns  had  been  obliged 
to  retire  out  of  action,  owing  to  want  of  ammuni- 
tion, it  having  been  found  impossible  to  drag 
the  battery  carts  through  the  deep  and  yielding 
sand. 

It  was  while  Graham  was  engaged  in  this 
general  advance  that  at  last  Drury  Lowe  arrived 
upon  the  scene  with  his  cavalry.  The  sun  had 
now  set,  but  a  bright  moon  was  shining,  and  the 
flashes  from  the  Horse  Artillery  and  infantry 
afforded  some  guide  for  the  movement  of  the 
British  horsemen,  which  was  directed  towards 
the  evening  star  —  the  only  landmarks  in  the 
nocturnal  desert.  Suddenly  the  cavalry  came  in 
sight  of  the  extreme  left  of  the  Egyptians,  and 
was  at  once  exposed  to  a  heavy  fire.  "Shells 
screamed  and  shrapnel  bullets  tore  up  the  road 
on  either  side."  Rushing  to  the  front,  the  guns 
of  the  Horse  Artillery  attached  to  the  Cavalry 
Brigade  unlimbered  and  belched  out  several 
rounds  of  shell  on  the  Egyptian  masses.  Then 
the  front  of  these  British  guns  was  rapidly  cleared 
and  Drury  Lowe  gave  the  Household  Cavalry 
the  order  to  charge. 

Led  on  by  Colonel  Ewart,  away  with  a  wild 

[173] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

cheer  went  the  three  ponderous  squadrons  of 
clanking  giants  straight  at  the  Egyptian  bat- 
talions, which  in  a  few  more  moments  had  been 
trampled  and  sabered  into  positive  annihilation. 
"Now  we  have  them!"  Sir  Baker  Russell  had 
cried  out  to  the  men;  "trot  —  gallop  —  charge!" 
Sir  Baker's  own  horse  was  shot  under  him,  but 
he  caught  another,  and  was  soon  again  in  the 
thick  of  the  fray.  Many  were  the  feats  of  per- 
sonal adventure  in  connection  with  this  glorious 
charge.  Some  of  the  troopers  were  killed,  some 
lost  themselves  in  the  darkness  and  were  taken 
prisoners,  happy  to  escape  the  barbarous  mutila- 
tions that  were  perpetrated  by  the  Egyptians  on 
the  British  dead  and  wounded. 

The  cavalry  charge  at  Kassassin  was  a  splen- 
did feat  of  arms,  but  it  somehow  or  other  became 
the  subject  of  as  curious  a  myth  as  that  which 
gathered  round  the  sinking  of  the  Vengeur  on 
the  "glorious  1st  of  June."  At  Balaclava  the 
Light  Brigade  had  ridden  down  upon  the  Rus- 
sian guns,  and  nothing  would  content  the  chron- 
iclers of  Kassassin  but  the  performance  of  a  sim- 
ilar act  of  glory.  The  illustrated  papers  of  the 
day  which  had  artists  in  Egypt  gave  stirring  pic- 
tures of  the  Life  Guardsmen  dashing  through 
the  smoke  of  the  Egyptian  batteries,  slashing 
and  thrusting  at  the  gunners  as  they  crouched 
for  shelter  beneath  their  pieces.  But  this  was 

[174] 


Kassassin  and  Tel-el-Kebir 

pure  imagination.  If  commanded  to  do  so  the 
Life  Guards  would  have  charged  into  the  very 
"  mouth  of  hell,"  not  to  speak  of  Egyptian  guns. 
But  what  they  were  ordered  to  "go  for"  was  the 
Egyptian  infantry,  which  was  considerably  in 
front  of  its  guns,  and  these  had  limbered  up  and 
retired  from  action,  rendering  it  impossible  for 
the  victorious  troopers  to  see  and  capture  them 
in  the  darkness.  But  the  day  had  been  won  all 
the  same. 

A  few  days  later,  on  the  9th  of  September,  an- 
other attack  of  the  Egyptians  on  Kassassin  was 
beaten  off  in  the  most  brilliant  manner,  the  Thir- 
teenth Bengal  Lancers,  in  their  picturesque  tur- 
bans, especially  distinguishing  themselves;  and 
there  were  many  who  thought  that  Sir  Garnet 
Wolseley  ought  to  have  rushed  the  not  far-dis- 
tant entrenchments  of  Tel-el-Kebir  there  and 
then.  But  though  this  might  certainly  have 
been  done,  there  were  certain  weighty  reasons  of 
military  policy  against  the  step.  For  a  com- 
mander must  not  be  too  much  of  a  Hotspur,  but 
think  of  ulterior  aims  as  well  as  of  present  op- 
portunities. It  is  the  man  who  can  bide  his 
time  that  will  ultimately  win. 

Foiled  in  their  repeated  attempts  to  bar  the 
British  advance,  Arabi  and  his  Egyptians  now 
finally  withdrew  behind  the  entrenched  lines  of 
Tel-el-Kebir,  there  to  stand  on  the  defensive 

[175] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

and  await  attack.  These  formidable  lines, 
which  ran  along  a  ridge  of  rising  ground,  pre- 
sented a  front  of  about  four  miles  long,  and  had 
been  constructed  according  to  the  most  advanced 
principles  of  military  engineering.  The  Egyp- 
tians are  great  hands  at  the  spade,  being  con- 
stantly employed  in  the  throwing  up  of  water- 
dams  and  the  like,  and  many  thousands  of  will- 
ing hands  had  been  at  the  disposal  of  Arabi  in 
the  task  of  raising  his  famous  line  of  earthworks. 
How  many  men  of  all  kinds  —  Egyptians,  Nu- 
bians, Bedouins,  etc.  —  Arabi  had  behind  the 
shelter  of  these  parapets  Sir  Garnet  Wolseley 
did  not  exactly  know,  but  concluded  that  the 
number  could  not  be  far  short  of  twenty-two 
thousand. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  English  commander 
had  now  with  him  about  seventeen  thousand 
officers  and  men,  with  sixty-seven  guns,  where- 
with to  crack  the  nut  that  was  presented  by 
Arabi' s  entrenchments,  and  these  Sir  Garnet  re- 
solved to  storm  at  the  hour  when  darkness  was 
beginning  to  glide  into  dawn  —  for  the  reasons 
that  at  this  cool  hour  his  troops  would  naturally 
fight  much  better  than  under  the  roasting  rays 
of  the  sun,  that  they  would  be  less  exposed  to  the 
enemy's  fire  in  the  faint  light,  and  that  they 
would  also  profit  by  the  demoralization  which 
invariably  seizes  upon  soldiers  when  set  upon 

[176] 


Kassassin  and  Tel-el-Kebir 

unawares.  But,  to  make  the  surprise  complete, 
it  was  necessary  that  the  very  utmost  care  should 
be  taken  to  give  no  indication  to  the  watchful 
Egyptians  behind  the  earthworks  of  the  stealthy 
approach  of  their  British  foes.  When  ranked 
into  line,  the  storming  columns  were  to  advance 

-  not  to  the  word  of  command,  but  by  the  mere 
guidance  of  the  stars,  like  so  many  ships  at  sea. 
Not  a  pipe  was  to  be  lit,  not  a  whisper  heard  in 
the  ranks. 

The  night  (September  12-13)  was  more  than 
usually  dark,  and  it  was  some  time  before  the 
troops  could  be  placed  in  the  positions  assigned 
them. 

Arabi  and  his  men  fondly  believed  that  all 
this  British  force  was  sleeping  the  sleep  of  wea- 
ried soldiers  at  Kassassin  and  other  points  be- 
tween that  place  and  the  Suez  Canal.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  it  was  marshaling  itself  in  line  of 
battle  array  on  an  elevation  called  Ninth  Hill, 
about  five  and  a  half  miles  from  Arabi's  lines, 
from  which  it  remained  hidden  by  the  impene- 
trable curtain  of  night.  Some  of  the  regiments 

-  notably  the   Highlanders  —  had   but   a  few 
hours  before  hurried  up  to  the  front  from  Is- 
mailia;  though  wearied  by  the  long  and  strenu- 
ous march,  they  were  all  eager  to  be  led  on  to 
the  fight  without  further  delay.     Until  the  hour 
of  starting,  all  the  men  stretched  themselves  on 

[177] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

the  sand  to  snatch  what  brief  and  hurried  sleep 
they  could.  From  previous  experience  it  was 
reckoned  that  the  actual  progress  over  the  desert, 
with  its  darkness  and  other  difficulties,  would  be 
about  one  mile  per  hour  --  just  think  of  that!  — 
so  that  by  starting  at  1.30  A.M.,  Sir  Garnet  cal- 
culated to  reach  the  enemy's  works  just  before 
the  first  gleam  of  dawn  —  so  nicely  was  every- 
thing planned  beforehand. 

"The  long  sojourn  at  Ninth  Hill,"  wrote  Gen- 
eral Hamley,  "  while  waiting  for  the  moment  to 
advance,  was  of  a  somber  kind :  we  sat  in  silence 
on  our  horses  or  on  the  sand,  while  comrades 
moving  about  appeared  as  black  figures  coming 
out  of  the  darkness,  unrecognizable  except  by 
their  voices.  A  skirmish  had  taken  place  some 
days  before  near  this  spot,  in  which  men  and 
horses  were  slain,  and  tokens  of  it  were  wafted 
to  us  on  the  breeze."  Once  there  was  a  false 
alarm  on  the  right,  and  the  prostrate  men  sprang 
to  their  feet;  but  it  turned  out  to  be  only  a  body 
of  British  cavalry  moving  across  the  front  of  the 
line. 

At  last,  in  the  lowest  undertone,  word  was 
passed  along  all  the  line  to  advance,  and  soon 
nothing  was  heard  but  the  "swish-swish"  of  the 
battalions  footing  it  warily  across  the  sand  as  if 
it  had  been  snow  —  silence  otherwise  and  dark- 
ness around  and  above,  with  the  stars  shining 

[178] 


Kassassin  and   Tel-el-Kebir 

down  as  they  had  done  in  the  time  of  the  Pha- 
raohs and  the  long  dynasties  of  Egyptian  kings 
lying  entombed  in  the  Pyramids.  Well  might 
the  British  troops  have  been  impressed  with  the 
suspense  of  the  moment  and  the  awful  solemnity 
of  the  scene.  Directing  poles  had  been  pre- 
viously fixed  in  the  sand  by  the  engineers,  but 
they  proved  of  little  or  no  use,  the  only  effective 
finger-posts  being  the  everlasting  stars,  and  even 
these  were  now  and  then  obscured  by  clouds. 

Sometimes  the  mounted  men  of  the  Head- 
quarters' Staff,  moving  up  to  the  columns  with 
whispered  instructions,  were  mistaken  for  prying 
Bedouins;  but  silence  and  discipline  were  won- 
derfully well  preserved,  and  forward,  ever  for- 
ward, moved  the  invisible  and  barely  audible 
masses  of  fighting  men.  Once  the  Highland 
Brigade  lay  down  to  rest  for  twenty  minutes, 
and  this  was  the  occasion  of  some  confusion 
which  was  like  to  have  ended  in  a  calamity. 
For  the  order  thus  given  in  the  center  of  the 
Highland  line  did  not  reach  the  outer  flanks, 
by  reason  of  its  being  so  cautiously  passed  from 
mouth  to  mouth,  till  some  time  after,  the  con- 
sequence being  that  as  the  flanks  continued  to 
step  out,  while  maintaining  touch  with  the  re- 
cumbent center,  those  flanks  lost  their  direction 
and  circled  round  in  such  a  manner  that  the 
Brigade  finally  halted  in  a  crescent-shaped 

[179] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

formation,  with  the  right  and  left  almost  con- 
fronting each  other;  and  but  for  the  intelligence 
and  efforts  of  the  officers,  these  opposing  flanks, 
mistaking  each  other  for  enemies,  might  have 
come  to  actual  blows. 

With  great  difficulty  the  proper  march-direc- 
tion was  restored,  and  on  again  swept  —  or, 
rather,  crept  —  the  whole  line,  like  thieves  in  the 
night.  Weird  and  ghostly  was  the  effect  of  the 
dim  streaks,  looking  like  shadows  of  moving 
clouds,  but  which  were  really  lines  of  men  steal- 
ing over  the  desert.  All  these  men  knew  that 
they  were  forbidden  to  fire  a  single  shot  until 
within  the  Egyptian  lines,  and  that  these  were  to 
be  carried  with  a  cheer  and  a  rush  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet;  so  that  they  almost  held  their 
breath  with  eagerness,  and  plodded  ever  on  like 
phantoms  of  the  desert  —  silent,  resolute,  and 
prepared.  For  nearly  five  hours  they  had  thus 
advanced,  and  then  they  knew  that  the  supreme 
moment  must  now  be  near. 

Nearer,  indeed,  than  they  fancied !  For,  to  use 
again  the  words  of  General  Hamley,  who  was  rid- 
ing behind  his  Highlanders :  "Just  as  the  paling  of 
the  stars  showed  dawn  to  be  near,  but  while  it  was 
still  as  dark  as  ever,  a  few  scattered  shots  were 
fired  in  our  front,  probably  from  some  sentries,  or 
small  pickets,  outside  the  enemy's  lines.  No  no- 
tice was  taken  of  this,  though  one  of  the  shots 

1180] 


Kassassin  and  Tel-el-Kebir 

killed  a  Highlander;  the  movement  was  un- 
changed, and  then  a  single  bugle  sounded  within 
the  enemy's  lines.  These  were  most  welcome 
sounds,  assuring  us  that  we  should  close  with 
the  foe  before  daylight,  which  just  before  seemed 
very  doubtful.  Yet  a  minute  or  two  of  dead 
silence  elapsed  after  the  Egyptian  bugle  was 
blown,  and  then  the  whole  extent  of  entrench- 
ment in  our  front,  hitherto  unseen  and  unknown, 
poured  forth  a  stream  of  rifle  fire.  Then,  for 
the  first  time  that  night,  I  could  really  be  said 
to  see  my  men,  lighted  by  the  flashes.  The 
dim  phantom  lines  which  I  had  been  looking  on 
all  night  suddenly  woke  to  life  as  our  bugles 
sounded  the  charge,  and,  responding  with  lusty, 
continued  cheers,  and  without  a  moment's  pause 
or  hesitation,  the  ranks  sprang  forward  in  steady 
array." 

It  was  as  if  the  footlights  of  the  rebel  Pasha's 
long-extended  stage  had  suddenly  flashed  out 
with  blinding  flame;  and  now  the  vast  and  sol- 
emn theatre  of  the  desert,  which  a  moment  be- 
fore had  been  wrapped  in  the  deepest  silence 
and  darkness,  grew  luminous  with  lurid  jets  of 
fire  and  resonant  with  the  deafening  rattle  of 
Egyptian  musketry  and  the  roar  of  guns  —  a 
transformation  scene  as  sudden  as  it  was  impres- 
sive. Never  had  British  soldiers  been  actors 
on  such  a  grandly  picturesque  stage.  But  do 

[181] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

you  suppose  that  these  soldiers  returned  the 
volleys  rained  on  them  by  the  Remingtons  of 
Arabi's  men?  Not  a  bit  of  it.  Not  a  single 
shot  was  fired;  but  bayonets  were  fixed,  and 
away  like  an  avalanche  dashed  the  redcoats  on 
the  foe.  Their  distance  from  the  blazing  line 
of  entrenchment  was  deemed  to  be  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  yards,  and  in  the  interval  nearly 
two  hundred  men  went  down,  the  Seventy-fourth 
(Highland  Light  Infantry)  on  the  left  losing  five 
officers  and  sixty  men  before  it  got  to  the  ditch. 
This  was  six  feet  wide  and  four  feet  deep,  and 
beyond  was  a  parapet  ten  feet  high  from  the 
bottom.  The  first  man  to  mount  this  parapet 
was  private  Donald  Cameron,  of  the  Cameron 
Highlanders,  a  brave  young  soldier  from  the 
braes  of  Athol;  but  he  at  once  fell  back  among  his 
struggling  comrades  with  a  bullet  through  his 
brain,  dying  the  noblest  of  all  deaths.  Little 
wonder  that,  on  passing  the  Seventy-ninth  after 
the  battle,  General  Alison  exclaimed,  "Well 
done,  the  Cameron  men !  Scotland  will  be  proud 
of  this  day's  work!" 

It  so  happened  that  in  the  darkness  the  High- 
land Brigade,  which  formed  the  left  of  the  at- 
tack, had  got  considerably  in  front  of  the  rest  of 
the  line,  so  that  it  was  the  first,  so  to  speak,  to 
break  its  bayonet-teeth  on  Arabi's  entrench- 
ments; and  the  seizure  of  these  works  for  the 

[182] 


Kassassin  and  Tel-el-Kebir 

first  ten  minutes  to  a  quarter  of  an  hour  of  the 
fight  was  the  history  of  the  advance  of  the  kilted 
warriors  from  the  North.  They  had  not  fought 
better  even  at  Fontenoy,  Quebec,  and  Quatre 
Bras;  nor  were  their  present  foes  to  be  despised, 
seeing  they  were  allowed  by  all  to  have  borne 
the  charge  with  a  discipline  and  a  desperation 
worthy  of  the  best  troops.  "I  never  saw  men 
fight  more  steadily,"  said  Sir  A.  Alison.  "Five 
or  six  times  we  had  to  close  on  them  with  the 
bayonet,  and  I  saw  those  poor  men  fighting  hard 
when  their  officers  were  flying  before  us.  All 
this  time,  too,  it  was  a  goodly  sight  to  see  the 
Cameron  and  Gordon  Highlanders  —  mingled 
together  as  they  were  in  the  stream  of  the  fight, 
their  young  officers  leading  in  front,  waving 
their  swords  above  their  heads  —  their  pipes 
playing,  and  the  men  rushing  on  with  that  proud 
smile  on  their  lips  which  you  never  see  in  sol- 
diers save  in  the  moment  of  successful  battle." 

When  the  Black  Watch  had  reached  the  crest 
of  the  works,  and  were  being  re-formed  to  attack 
some  other  guns  in  the  interior  entrenchments,  a 
battery  of  the  newly  formed  Scottish  Division 
of  the  Royal  Artillery  swept  past  them,  shouting 
out  "Scotland  forever!"  as  the  Greys  and  the 
Highlanders  had  done  on  the  ensanguined  slopes 
of  Waterloo.  Here  the  Black  Watch  had  to 
mourn  the  death  of  Sergeant-Major  MacNeill, 

[183] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

who  fell  pierced  by  three  bullets  after  laying  low 
six  of  the  enemy  with  his  good  claymore.  The 
Irish  soldiers  too  did  their  fair  share  of  the  fight- 
ing. The  Royal  Irish  on  the  extreme  right, 
with  a  wild  yell,  and  all  the  splendid  valor  of 
their  nation,  went  straight  as  a  dart  at  their  par- 
ticular portion  of  Arabi's  works,  carrying  them 
with  the  bayonet,  and  turning  the  flank  of  his 
position. 

All  along  the  line  the  engagement  now  be- 
came general,  the  men  plying  butt  and  bayonet 
upon  the  Egyptians,  who  fell  in  scores  —  in 
swarms.  At  the  bastions  stormed  by  the  High- 
land Brigade  the  enemy  lay  in  hundreds.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  total  losses  of  the  British 
army  at  Tel-el-Kebir  amounted  to  three  hundred 
and  thirty-nine,  of  which  two  hundred  and  forty- 
three  occurred  in  the  Highland  Brigade,  leaving 
ninety-six  to  represent  the  losses  of  the  rest  of  the 
force. 

Under  the  Queen's  soldier-son  the  Guards 
were  in  the  second  line  as  a  reserve,  but  so 
quickly  and  successfully  had  the  works  been 
stormed  that  they  were  not  required  to  fire  a 
shot.  Some,  however,  were  wounded  (Father 
Belle w,  their  Roman  Catholic  chaplain,  and 
Colonel  Sterling  amongst  others),  for  Arabi's 
men  shot  high,  sometimes  over  the  heads  of  the 
attacking  party.  On  the  other  side  of  the  canal, 

[184] 


CARRYING  THE   BASTIONS   WITH   THE   BAYONET         /.    184 


Kassassin  and  Tel-el-Kebir 

the  Indian  contingent,  with  the  Seaforth  High- 
landers, the  bronzed  companions  of  Roberts  in 
his  immortal  march  from  Cabul  to  Candahar, 
had  met  with  less  opposition,  and  came  up  just 
in  the  nick  of  time  to  turn  Arabi's  right  flank 
and  complete  the  rout  of  his  broken  men.  His 
camp,  stores,  and  ordnance  were  all  captured, 
and  he  himself  fled  alone  from  the  field  of  battle 
on  a  swift  steed. 

The  battle  had  been  won  by  the  British  in- 
fantry, but  the  artillery  and  cavalry  (as  well  as 
a  splendid  body  of  Blue  Jackets)  came  up  to 
carry  on  the  pursuit  of  the  flying  foe  and  pluck 
the  fruits  of  victory,  which,  on  the  night  of  the 
following  day,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English, 
when  their  cavalry,  after  a  splendid  forced  march 
of  about  forty  miles  under  a  blazing  sun,  entered 
Cairo  just  in  time  to  save  the  city  from  destruc- 
tion and  capture  Arabi  himself. 

After  Waterloo  the  despot  Napoleon  was  sent 
to  St.  Helena,  and  after  Tel-el-Kebir  the  rebel 
Arabi  was  sent  to  Ceylon,  where  he  had  leisure 
enough  to  reflect  on  the  folly  of  having  called  out 
into  the  field  against  him  as  finely  organized  a 
force  as  ever  added  luster  to  the  British  arms. 


[185] 


VIII 

General  Gordon.   The  Tragedy 
of  Khartoum 

January   19  —  February  6,    1885 
By  CHARLES  LOWE 

IN  the  autumn  of  1884,  the  Gladstone  Gov- 
ernment resolved  on  despatching  a  military 
expedition,  under  Lord  Wolseley,  to  relieve 
and  rescue  General  Charles  Gordon  —  the  Bay- 
ard of  the  nineteenth  century  —  and  the  Egyp- 
tian garrison  of  Khartoum,  which  was  besieged 
by  the  Mahdi,  or  False  Prophet  of  the  Soudan, 
with  twenty  thousand  of  his  fiercest  warriors. 

After  incredible  exertions  in  ascending  the 
Nile  and  struggling  with  the  difficulties  and  dan- 
gers of  the  "cataracts,"  this  expedition  at  last 
reached  Korti  about  the  end  of  the  year,  where 
intelligence  reached  it  of  the  pressing  peril  of 
the  gallant  Gordon  and  his  garrison.  The  expe- 
dition was  then  divided  into  two  forces  —  one, 
under  General  Earle,  called  the  River  Column, 
which  was  detached  to  occupy  Berber,  and  on 
the  way  inflict  condign  punishment  upon  the 
Monassir  tribe  for  the  treacherous  murder  of 

[186] 


FIVE  MINUTES  DESPERATE  AND  BLOODY  HAND-TO-HAND  FIGHTING 

/•  '87 


General  Gordon  at  Khartoum 

Colonel  Stewart  and  his  companions,  whom 
Gordon  had  previously  sent  down  to  Dongola; 
and  the  other,  known  as  the  Desert  Column, 
under  Brigadier-General  Sir  Herbert  Stewart, 
to  make  a  bold  and  rapid  dash  across  the  Bayuda 
waste  of  sand  and  scrub  with  intent  to  establish 
a  foothold  at  Metamneh,  on  the  Nile,  whence, 
with  the  aid  of  Gordon's  steamers  from  Khar- 
toum, it  would  ascend  the  river  and  relieve  the 
beleaguered  garrison. 

This  Desert  Column,  composed  of  picked  men 
from  all  the  elite  regiments  of  the  British  army, 
with  a  superb  detachment  of  Bluejackets,  yet 
aggregating  less  than  two  thousand  combatants, 
mounted  on  camels,  pushed  across  the  parched 
Bayuda  Desert,  and  covered  itself  with  glory  by 
vanquishing  all  its  foes :  hunger,  thirst,  sleepless- 
ness, and,  worse  than  all,  the  fanatical  spearmen 
of  the  Mahdi;  at  Abu-Klea  (17th  of  January), 
when  marching  in  square  fifteen  hundred  strong, 
it  was  suddenly  set  upon,  as  a  lighthouse  rock  is 
assailed  by  raging  seas,  by  a  roaring  flood  of 
more  than  five  thousand  death-despising  sav- 
ages ;  and  after  only  about  five  minutes'  desperate 
and  bloody  hand-to-hand  fighting,  in  the  course 
of  which  it  lost  the  heroic  Colonel  Fred  Burnaby 
and  one  hundred  sixty-eight  officers  and  men 
killed  and  wounded  —  being  all  but  submerged 

[187] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

in  this  human  deluge  of  the  desert  —  it  at  last 
raised  a  rousing  cheer  in  token  of  victory. 

We  have  not  space  to  tell  of  the  further  diffi- 
culties of  the  march :  the  incidents  of  the  zareba, 
or  extemporized  fortalice,  near  Abu-Kru,  in- 
cluding the  death  of  two  war  correspondents 
and  the  fatal  wounding  of  the  commander  of  the 
column;  the  final  march  of  the  fighting  square 
for  the  river;  the  scattering  of  a  second  onset  of 
Mahdist  warriors  with  a  few  well-directed  vol- 
leys; and  the  final  arrival  of  the  square  on  the 
banks  of  the  river,  the  sight  of  whose  blessed 
waters  was  hailed  by  them  with  as  much  en- 
thusiasm as  had  been  the  distant  Euxine  by  the 
home-returning  soldiers  of  Xenophon  after  their 
perilous  and  toilsome  march  through  the  moun- 
tains of  Armenia. 

That  night  (Monday,  19th  of  January,  1885) 
the  flying  column  bivouacked  as  best  it  could  on 
the  bank  of  the  river,  sleeping  as  it  had  never 
slept  before  —  all  but  the  surgeons,  who,  though 
tired  to  death,  were  heroically  unremitting  in 
their  attentions  to  the  wounded. 

Early  next  morning  the  men  were  again 
paraded  to  return  to  the  zareba.  On  the  way 
the  village  of  Gubat  was  burned,  and  at  about 
eight  o'clock,  the  enemy  offering  but  little  re- 
sistance, the  entrenched  position  was  reached 
once  more. 

[188] 


General  Gordon  at  Khartoum 

While  the  square  was  on  the  march  the  day 
before  there  had  been  considerable  fighting  at 
the  zareba,  but  ultimately  the  Arabs  had  been 
compelled  to  give  way  before  the  fierce  and  well- 
directed  fire  from  rifles  and  guns  alike.  Break- 
fast was  just  ready  when  the  flying  column  was 
seen  returning,  Colonel  Talbot,  commanding  the 
Life  Guards,  walking  as  composedly  in  advance 
through  the  scrub  as  though  he  were  returning 
from  a  review.  On  the  column  coming  up  it 
was  received  with  befitting  che*ers,  for  it  had 
done  its  work  well,  or  "tastefully,"  as  was  re- 
marked by  an  Irishman  of  the  Royal  Sussex. 

An  hour  later  the  whole  force  moved  away  in 
columns  of  regiments  from  the  zareba,  taking  as 
much  of  the  stores  as  possible,  and  leaving  be- 
hind a  guard  of  fifty  men.  Five-and-twenty 
wounded  soldiers  had  to  be  carried  on  hand- 
stretchers,  for  hundreds  of  camels  had  been  lost. 
The  enemy  dared  not  again  to  attack  the  force, 
which  reached  the  river  village  of  Abu-Kru  by 
nightfall.  The  wounded  were  placed  under 
cover  in  the  huts,  and  the  outlying  houses  were 
loopholed  for  defence,  whilst  the  troops  settled 
down  for  the  night  on  the  ground  outside. 

Hitherto  the  Arabs  had  given  no  sign,  but  now 
their  fire  was  drawn  by  the  daring  Mr.  Bennett 
Burleigh,  of  the  Daily  Telegraph,  who  had  rid- 
den on  towards  a  point  where,  with  the  true  in- 

[189] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

stinct  of  the  war-correspondent,  he  had  sus- 
pected a  possible  source  of  interest.  The  troops 
now  advanced  in  square  in  case  of  a  sudden  rush 
of  spearmen,  and  the  enemy  opened  a  brisk  fire 
from  loopholed  walls.  Occasionally  the  square 
halted,  and  the  men  lay  down  whilst  skirmishers 
were  sent  out  to  reply  to  the  fire  of  the  enemy; 
while  Sir  Charles  tried  his  guns,  though  they 
produced  no  effect  on  the  mud  walls,  the  shells 
going  as  clean  through  them  as  revolver  bullets 
through  a  target  of  cardboard. 

Presently,  however,  Barrow  sent  to  say  that 
he  could  see  some  large  flags  in  the  rear,  and 
that  he  was  certain  they  were  on  steamers,  and 
the  ubiquitous  Burleigh  rode  off  to  meet  them. 
Sir  C.  Wilson  also  sent  Stuart- Wortley  to  com- 
municate with  them,  and,  to  the  exceeding  joy 
of  all,  they  turned  out  to  be  four  vessels  which 
Gordon  had  sent  down  from  Khartoum  to  co- 
operate with  his  relievers. 

"The  steamers,"  wrote  Mr.  Burleigh,  "were  a 
curious  sight.  Three  of  them  were  about  the 
size  of  large  river-steamers,  and  the  fourth  was 
even  smaller  than  a  Thames  penny-boat.  The 
hulls  of  all  four  were  of  iron;  the  sides  and  the 
bridge  were  boarded  up  like  a  London  street 
bill-boarding.  In  place  of  their  pine  boards 
however,  there  were  heavy  sunt-wood  timbers, 
two  or  three  inches  thick,  and  as  impervious  to 

[190] 


General  Gordon  at  Khartoum 

rifle  bullets  as  steel  plates.  In  the  forward  part 
of  each  vessel  a  raised  wooden  fort  had  been 
built,  the  inside  plated  with  old  boiler  iron. 
Projecting  through  a  port-hole,  closed  against 
bullets  by  an  iron  plate  when  necessary,  was  a 
short  brass-rifled  gun  four  inches  in  bore,  such 
as  are  used  by  the  Egyptian  army.  On  the  main 
deck  another  gun  was  placed.  Gordon  must 
have  lavished  hours  and  days  of  hard  labor  to  get 
the  material  together  for  making  these  four 
steamers  into  iron  or  wooden-clads  so  strong 
that  they  could  safely  run  the  gauntlet  of  the 
rebel  cannon  and  rifle  fire."  * 

Meanwhile  Sir  C.  Wilson  had  withdrawn  his 
force  to  a  village  fronting  the  west  side  of  Me- 
tamneh  —  first  north,  then  south,  then  west; 
and  no  sooner  had  he  begun  this  retiring  move- 
ment than  the  enemy  opened  on  him  from  an 
advanced  battery  with  blind  shell,  though  luckily 
only  one  came  into  the  square.  "I  heard  the 
rush  of  the  shot  through  the  air,"  he  said,  "and 
then  a  heavy  thud  behind  me.  I  thought  at  first 
it  had  gone  into  the  field-hospital,  but  on  looking 
round  found  it  had  carried  away  the  lower  jaw 
of  one  of  the  artillery  camels,  and  then  buried 
itself  in  the  ground.  The  poor  brute  walked  on 
as  if  nothing  had  happened,  and  carried  its  load 
to  the  end  of  the  day." 

The  sudden  appearance  of  the  steamers  had 

[191] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

produced  quite  a  stage  effect;  and  the  black 
troops  on  board,  hastening  to  disembark  and 
eager  for  the  fray,  were  lustily  cheered  by  Tommy 
Atkins,  who  was  not  in  a  particularly  pleasant 
frame  of  mind  at  having  thus  been  made  to  pass 
the  morning  hours  in  imitation  of  the  storied 
king  of  France  and  his  thirty  thousand  men. 
The  swarthy  Soudanese,  who  behaved  like  per- 
fect children  in  their  joy  at  the  prospect  of  their 
being  able  to  show  a  thing  or  two  to  Tommy 
Atkins,  came  on  as  keen  as  possible,  and  ran 
four  guns  into  action  at  once.  "Being  sent  to 
their  guns  with  orders,"  said  Lieutenant  Douglas 
Dawson,  of  the  Coldstreams,  "I  stayed  with 
them  for  half  an  hour,  while  they  made  some 
first-rate  practice  on  the  town,  and  though  the 
gun-fire  drew  down  the  bullets  pretty  thick,  they 
didn't  appear  to  mind  a  bit.  It  seemed  extraor- 
dinary what  good  troops  the  master  mind  of 
Gordon  had  made  out  of  such  rough  material. 
Never  have  I  seen  men  so  pleased  as  they  were 
at  meeting  us.  Gordon's  name  mentioned  was 
like  that  of  a  god  whom  they  worshiped.  It  was 
even  difficult  for  these  enthusiastic  allies  to  re- 
tire, as  we  explained  to  them  that  we  did  not  in- 
tend for  the  present  to  attack  the  town." 

For,  alas!  that  was  the  conclusion  to  which 
Sir  C.  Wilson  had  now  been  forced  by  a  calm 
survey  of  all  the  circumstances  of  the  situation. 

[192] 


General  Gordon  at  Khartoum 

Lord  Cochrane,  of  the  Second  Life  Guards, 
pleaded  very  hard  for  leave  to  storm  the  town, 
and,  under  cover  of  the  smoke  from  the  wind- 
ward side,  drive  the  Arabs  into  the  river,  but  Sir 
Charles  did  not  think  the  result  would  justify 
the  risk.  Boscawen  managed  the  withdrawal 
cleverly  and  well,  without  confusion  or  hurry, 
and  always  giving  the  enemy  a  chance  to  attack 
if  they  wished.  Shortly  before  the  withdrawal 
began,  Poe,  of  the  Marines,  received  a  dreadful 
wound  in  the  thigh,  necessitating  amputation 
very  high  up.  Ever  since  leaving  Korti  he  had 
worn  a  red  coat,  almost  the  only  one  in  the  force, 
and  this  had  made  him  too  conspicuous  to  the 
marksmen  of  the  enemy.  He  was  shot  while 
standing  up  in  the  open  talking  to  his  men,  who 
were  lying  down. 

By  the  time  the  force  had  returned  to  Abu- 
Kru  its  involuted  line  of  march  resembled  as 
nearly  as  possible  the  figure  eight.  The  in- 
tended attack  of  Sir  C.  Wilson  on  Metamneh 
had  resolved  itself  into  a  mere  reconnaissance  in 
force;  and  he  himself  admitted  that  the  moral 
effect  of  this  was  bad,  giving  the  enemy  fresh 
heart.  But  he  was  not  without  his  substantial 
reasons  for  what  he  had  done.  By  death  and 
wounds  the  effective  force  at  his  disposal  had 
already  been  decimated,  and  he  could  therefore 
ill  afford  to  risk  the  further  diminution  of  his 

[193] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

combative  strength,  the  less  so  as  he  now  had 
reason  to  fear  that  bodies  of  the  Arabs  were  ad- 
vancing against  him  from  Khartoum  as  well  as 
Shendy  —  north  and  south.  Besides,  even  if  he 
had  taken  Metamneh,  he  estimated  that  the 
force  at  his  disposal,  after  deduction  of  the  loss 
in  storming,  would  be  insufficient  to  hold  it 
against  all  comers.  For  these  and  other  rea- 
sons he  decided  not  to  press  the  attack.  But, 
after  all,  he  had  established  himself  on  the  Nile 
with  Gordon's  steamers  at  his  service,  and  that 
was  the  main  thing. 

These  steamers  had  brought  down  with  them 
Gordon's  diaries  up  to  the  14th  of  December  (it 
was  now  the  21st  of  January),  together  with  a 
note  in  the  beleaguered  hero's  own  handwriting, 
dated  29th  of  December:  "Khartoum  —  all 
right;  can  hold  out  for  years."  Where,  then, 
was  the  hurry  ?  Ah,  but  there  was  another  letter 
from  Gordon  to  a  private  friend,  Watson,  dated 
14th  of  December  (the  date  of  the  last  entry  in 
his  diary),  in  which  he  said  he  expected  a  crisis 
within  the  next  ten  days,  or  about  Christmas 
day!  And  now  it  was  nearly  a  month  after 
Christmas!  Gracious  heavens!  was  this  not 
enough  to  fill  the  relieving  force  with  the  keenest 
apprehension,  and  rouse  to  the  very  utmost  all 
the  energies  of  its  commander?  Gordon's 
"Khartoum  —  all  right"  note  was  evidently  a 

[194] 


General  Gordon  at  Khartoum 

blind:  the  real  stress  of  his  position  was  con- 
veyed in  his  private  letters;  and  thus,  rightly 
discerning  the  situation,  Sir  C.  Wilson  resolved 
"  to  carry  out  the  original  program  and  go  up  to 
Khartoum." 

At  once  ?  No,  various  circumstances  seemed 
to  render  this  impossible,  and,  indeed,  unneces- 
sary. To  begin  with,  a  rumor  had  reached  Sir 
C.  Wilson  that  a  hostile  force  was  approaching 
from  the  south,  and  it  therefore  behooved  him  — 
so  he  thought  —  to  descend  the  Nile  in  one  of 
Gordon's  steamers  and  inquire  into  the  truth  of 
this  report,  "I  would  not  leave  the  small  force 
in  its  position  on  the  Nile  without  ascertaining 
whether  it  was  likely  to  be  attacked."  More- 
over, in  spite  of  Gordon's  gloomy  forebodings, 
Sir  C.  Wilson  knew  that,  although  Omdurman 

—  on  the  left  bank  of  the  White  Nile  over  against 
Khartoum  —  had  fallen,   Khartoum   itself  was 
still  holding  out;  while  he  also  calculated  that 
the  besieging  pressure  on  the  town  would  be  re- 
lieved by  the  large  number  of  men  detached  by 
the  Mahdi  to  meet  the  English,  and  that  news 
of  their  victories  would  be  sure  to  have  pene- 
trated into  Khartoum  and  given  fresh  heart  to 
Gordon  and  his  garrison. 

In  Wilson's  opinion  there  was  nothing  to  show 

—  and  he  questioned  the  commanders  of  the 
steamers   carefully  —  that  the  crisis   at  Khar- 

[195] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

toum,  which  had  been  deferred  from  the  25th  of 
December  to  the  19th  of  January  (it  was  now  the 
21st),  would  be  hurried  on,  "or  that  a  delay  of 
a  couple  of  days  would  make  much  difference." 
Besides,  Lord  Wolseley  had  ordered  that  Lord 
Charles  Beresford  was  to  man  Gordon's  steam- 
ers with  his  Naval  Brigade,  and  take  Wilson 
with  a  few  redcoats  up  to  Khartoum.  But  the 
officers  of  the  Naval  Brigade,  like  the  heroic  fel- 
lows that  they  were,  had  all  been  killed  or 
wounded,  save  Beresford;  and  Beresford  was  so 
ill  that  he  could  not  walk. 

Not,  therefore,  to  the  immediate  relief  of  Gor- 
don at  Khartoum  in  the  south,  but  to  the  carry- 
ing out  of  an  aquatic  reconnaissance  towards 
Shendy  in  the  north,  did  the  commander  of  the 
Desert  Column  now  address  himself.  He  was 
accompanied  by  Lord  Charles  Beresford,  who 
had  to  be  helped  on  board  and  placed  on  a  seat 
in  the  cabin,  and  by  two  companies  of  mounted 
infantry  under  Major  Phipps.  The  result  of  the 
reconnaissance,  which  was  not  without  its  lively 
risks  and  incidents,  went  to  show  that  the  Eng- 
lish had  nothing  to  fear  from  any  force  advanc- 
ing southwards  towards  Metamneh,  for  several 
days  at  least;  and  as  a  token  of  their  gratitude 
for  the  valuable  information  which  they  had 
thus  gleaned,  the  three  steamers,  before  return- 
ing, hauled  off  into  mid-stream  and  threw  sixty 

[196] 


shell  screaming  and  crashing  into  mud-built 
Shendy.  The  bolder  spirits  of  the  party  had 
pleaded  hard  with  Wilson  for  leave  to  land  and 
storm  the  place  outright;  but  again,  as  at  Me- 
tamneh,  the  combative  impulses  of  these  fiery 
Hotspurs  were  repressed  by  the  just  and  cau- 
tious reasonings  of  their  sagacious  commander. 

Thus,  then,  passed  Thursday,  the  22d.  Be- 
fore leaving  the  steamer  by  which  he  had  gone 
down  to  Shendy,  Wilson  ordered  preparations 
to  be  made  for  a  start  to  Khartoum  next  day  — 
the  23d.  But,  alas!  unexpected  difficulties  again 
cropped  up,  rendering  it  impossible  for  the  two 
selected  steamers  to  be  got  under  weigh.  For 
it  was  found  that  the  engines  had  to  be  over- 
hauled, wood  had  to  be  collected  as  fuel,  rations 
drawn  for  the  crews,  pilots  selected  for  the  cat- 
aracts; and,  above  all  things,  those  crews  had  to 
be  assorted  in  conformity  with  the  express  in- 
struction of  General  Gordon,  who  insisted 
strongly  on  our  taking  actual  command  of  the 
steamers,  and  removing  from  them  all  Pashas, 
Beys,  and  men  of  Turkish  or  Egyptian  origin, 
whom  he  describes  as  "hens."  "So  the  hours 
slipped  by,"  said  Sir  C.  Wilson,  "and  we  failed 
to  make  a  start"  (on  the  23d). 

Nor  was  it  till  eight  o'clock  on  the  following 
morning  (Saturday,  the  24th)  that  the  two 
steamers  at  last  began  to  churn  the  waters  of 

[197] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlX-rn  Century 

the  Nile  and  head  for  Khartoum,  amid  the  part- 
ing cheers  of  the  lads  they  left  behind  them. 
These  vessels  were  the  Bordein  and  the  Telaha- 
wiyeh.  On  board  the  former  were  Sir  C.  Wil- 
son, accompanied  by  Khashm-el-Mus,  Captain 
Gascoigne,  ten  men  of  the  Royal  Sussex,  one 
petty  officer,  one  artificer  R.N.,  and  one  hundred 
ten  Soudanese  troops,  the  "hens"  having  all 
been  weeded  out.  The  Telehawiyeh  carried 
Abd-el-Hamid,  Captain  Trafford,  and  ten  men 
of  the  Royal  Sussex,  including  a  signaller,  Lieu- 
tenant Stuart- Wortley,  one  artificer  R.N.,  and 
eighty  Soudanese  troops ;  but  she  also  had  in  tow 
a  nugger  laden  with  dhura  (grain)  for  the  fam- 
ished garrison  of  Khartoum,  and  fifty  additional 
Soudanese  soldiers. 

It  had  been  originally  intended  to  send  fifty 
men  of  the  Royal  Sussex  up  to  Khartoum,  but 
Sir  C.  Wilson  did  not  feel  justified  in  taking  with 
him  an  escort  of  more  than  twenty.  Happy 
fellows,  to  be  thus  chosen  for  such  an  honorable 
and  risky  enterprise,  and  greatly  envied  by  the 
war-correspondents,  who,  for  all  their  hard 
pleading,  were  not  allowed  to  share  their  peril. 
Lord  Wolseley  had  particularly  wished  the  escort 
to  enter  Khartoum  in  red  coats,  and  these  had 
been  sent  to  the  front.  But  somehow  or  other 
they  had  been  lost  or  looted;  so  a  call  had  to  be 
made  for  scarlet  tunics,  and  a  sufficient  number 

[193] 


General  Gordon  at  Khartoum 

were  raised  from  the  Guards  or  the  Heavies, 
though  these  hung  rather  loosely  on  the  less 
massive  frames  of  the  men  of  Sussex. 

"Now,  what  was  it  we  were  going  to  do?" 
wrote  Wilson.  "We  were  going  to  fight  our 
way  up  the  river  and  into  Khartoum  in  two 
steamers  of  the  size  of  penny-boats  on  the 
Thames,  which  a  single  well-directed  shell  would 
send  to  the  bottom;  with  crews  and  soldiers  ab- 
solutely without  discipline,  with  twenty  English 
soldiers,  with  no  surgeon  —  not  even  a  dresser 
-  and  with  only  one  interpreter,  Muhammed 
Ibrahim,  still  suffering  from  a  flesh  wound  in  his 
side." 

The  filth  in  the  steamers  was  something  in- 
describable, the  stench  which  rose  up  from  the 
holds  overpowering,  and  the  rats  countless  and 
ubiquitous,  no  place  or  person  being  too  sacred 
for  them.  With  such  a  motley  crew,  moreover, 
the  noise  on  board  was  sometimes  deafening, 
and  King  Kurbash  had  frequently  to  assert  his 
sway.  The  top  of  the  deck-house  or  saloon  in 
either  boat  was  assigned  to  the  ten  Sussex  men, 
with  their  arms  and  ammunition,  kits  and  food, 
who  were  thus  in  a  kind  of  citadel  which  could 
command  the  whole  ship  in  case  of  a  mutiny  or 
anything  going  wrong. 

All  kinds  of  botheration  occurred  to  impede 
the  progress  of  the  steamers.  For  they  were 

[199] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

heavily  loaded  and  the  water  was  low,  and  they 
could  only  move  by  day.  They  had  to  stop  fre- 
quently to  take  in  more  firewood  (village  houses 
having  to  be  pulled  down  for  this  purpose),  to 
parley  with  friendlies,  or  to  clear  the  banks  of 
foes,  and  more  than  once  they  ran  aground.  It 
was  a  novel  sensation,  said  Wilson,  going  to 
sleep  on  a  steamer  hanging  on  a  sunken  rock, 
with  water  running  like  a  mill-race  all  round 
her.  On  such  occasions  the  disastered  steamer 
had  practically  to  be  emptied,  hauled  off,  and 
re-loaded,  causing  a  most  exasperating  loss  of 
time. 

In  this  manner  three  days  were  spent,  and  on 
the  evening  of  the  26th  two  Shagiyeh  friendlies 
came  on  board  the  Bordein,  who  reported  that 
for  the  last  fortnight  there  had  been  hard  fight- 
ing round  Khartoum  —  Gordon  always  vic- 
torious; that  the  advance  of  the  English  was 
much  dreaded;  and  that  the  Shagiyeh  tribe  were 
only  waiting  for  the  turn  of  the  tide  to  join  the 
British.  Alas!  by  this  time,  if  they  had  only 
known  it,  all  was  over,  and  Gordon  had  already 
won  at  once  the  hero's  and  the  martyr's  crown. 

More  cataracts,  sand-shoals,  mountain-gorges 
—  not  unlike  the  " Iron  gates"  of  the  Danube  — 
stoppages  to  take  in  wood,  trepidations,  tracas- 
series  of  all  kinds,  dropping  shots  from  the  river 
banks,  counter-fusillade  from  the  slowly  moving 

[200] 


General  Gordon  at  Khartoum 

steamers  —  until,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  27th,  a 
native  on  the  left  bank  hailed  the  Bordein,  shout- 
ing out  that  a  camel-man  had  just  passed  down 
with  the  news  that  Khartoum  was  at  last  taken, 
and  Gordon  killed.  Incredible!  So  much  so, 
that  "we  dined  together  in  high  spirits  at  the 
prospect  of  running  the  blockade  next  day  and 
at  last  meeting  General  Gordon  after  his  famous 
siege,"  —a  siege  which  had  lasted  for  three  hun- 
dred seventeen  days,  or  only  nine  days  less  than 
that  of  Sebastopol.* 

Starting  at  6  A.M.  on  the  28th,  the  steamers 
had  advanced  to  a  point  whence  the  towers  of 
Khartoum  could  at  last  be  descried  in  the  far 
distance  —  Wortley  and  his  signaller  with  the 
heliograph  now  getting  ready  to  try  and  attract 
Gordon's  attention!  —  when  another  Shagiyeh 
shouted  out  from  the  bank  that  Khartoum  had 
been  taken,  and  Gordon  had  been  killed  two 
days  before. 

Soon  afterwards  a  heavy  fire  was  opened  on 

*  On  the  9th  of  December  Gordon  had  written  in  his  diary: 
"  We  are  only  short  of  the  duration  of  the  siege  of  Sebastopol 
fifty-seven  days,  and  we  had  no  respite,  like  the  Russians  had 
during  the  winter  of  1854-55.  .  .  .  Of  course,  it  will  be  looked 
upon  as  very  absurd  to  compare  the  two  blockades,  those  of 
Sebastopol  and  Khartoum;  but,  if  properly  weighed,  one  was 
just  as  good  as  the  other.  The  Russians  had  money  —  we  had 
none;  they  had  skilled  officers  —  we  had  none;  they  had  no 
civil  population  —  we  had  forty  thousand;  they  had  their  route 
open  and  had  news  —  we  had  neither." 

[201] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

the  steamers  from  four  guns  and  many  rifles  at 
from  six  hundred  to  seven  hundred  yards.  The 
bullets  began  to  fly  pretty  thickly,  rattling  on  the 
ships'  sides  like  hailstones,  whilst  the  shells  went 
screeching  overhead,  or  threw  up  jets  of  water  in 
the  stream  around.  "  Our  men  replied  cheerily, 
and  the  gun  in  the  turret  was  capitally  served  by 
the  black  gunners,  who  had  nothing  on  but  a 
cloth  round  their  waists,  looking  more  like  de- 
mons than  men,  in  the  thick  smoke;  and  one 
huge  giant  was  the  very  incarnation  of  savagery 
drunk  with  war." 

This  was  at  Halifiyeh,  and,  after  the  gauntlet 
of  Arab  fire -had  here  been  run,  the  large  Gov- 
ernment House  at  Khartoum  could  be  seen 
plainly  above  the  trees.  But  where  was  the 
Egyptian  flag  which  Gordon,  for  nearly  a  year, 
had  ever  kept  flying  upon  his  topmost  roof? 
Not  a  trace  of  it  now  visible;  nevertheless,  Wil- 
son would  not  yet  believe  in  the  worst,  and 
pressed  on  up  stream  with  his  boilers  strained 
almost  to  the  bursting  point,  and  further  threat- 
ened by  the  guns  of  another  battery  which,  with 
a  heavy  rifle  fire,  now  opened  upon  him  from  the 
right  bank  above  Shamba,  and  blazed  away  at 
his  vessels  until  they  were  within  range  of  the 
guns  of  Omdunnan. 

And  what  is  that  fire  from  a  range  of  rifle- 
trenches  on  Tuti  Island,  fronting  Khartoum,  at 

[202] 


General  Gordon  at  Khartoum 

i 
the  confluence  of  the  Blue  and  the  White  Niles  ? 

Wilson,  always  in  the  optimist  vein,  thought 
that  the  island  might  still  be  in  the  hands  of  Gor- 
don's men,  who  had  thus  begun  to  co-operate 
with  the  steamers.  But,  alas!  no.  Drawing 
near  to  address  them  and  ask  for  news,  Wilson 
was  driven  back  into  his  turret  by  a  shower  of 
hostile  bullets.  Mahdist  riflemen  those,  and 
no  mistake. 

But  might  not  Khartoum  itself  still  be  holding 
out?  Forward  again,  and  let  us  see!  But  "no 
sooner  did  we  start  upwards  than  we  got  into 
such  a  fire  as  I  hope  never  to  pass  through  again 
in  a  penny-steamer"  —  nothing  to  greet  the 
score  of  English  redcoats  but  the  roar  of  hostile 
guns,  the  continuous  roll  of  musketry  from  either 
bank,  the  loud-rushing  noise  of  Krupp  shells, 
the  grunting  of  a  Nordenfeldt  or  a  mitrailleuse 
—  such  a  devils'  concert  and  carnival  of  welcome 
as  English  redcoats  had  not  had  for  many  a  day. 
No  flag  flying  in  Khartoum,  and  not  a  shot  fired 
on  shore  in  aid  of  the  steamers.  Could  the 
most  eager  and  optimisic  of  Wilsons  fail  at  last 
to  read  the  true  significance  of  all  that  ? 

Certainly  not;  seeing  was  now  believing.  "I 
at  once,"  wrote  Wilson,  "gave  the  order  to  turn 
and  run  full  speed  down  the  river.  It  was  hope- 
less to  attempt  a  landing  or  to  communicate  with 
the  shore  under  such  a  fire.  The  sight  at  this 

[203] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH   Century 

moment  was  very  grand :  the  masses  of  the  enemy 
with  their  fluttering  banners  near  Khartoum; 
the  long  rows  of  riflemen  in  the  shelter-trenches 
at  Omdurman;  the  numerous  groups  of  men  on 
Tuti;  the  bursting  shells,  and  the  water  torn  up 
by  hundreds  of  bullets  and  occasional  heavier 
shot — made  an  impression  never  to  be  forgotten. 
Looking  out  over  the  stormy  scene,  it  seemed 
almost  impossible  that  we  should  escape." 

The  Sussex  redcoats  had  been  very  steady 
under  all  this  feu  d'enfer,  and  done  much  execu- 
tion among  the  ranks  of  the  enemy.  All  on 
board  had  very  narrow  escapes  from  bullets  and 
bursting  of  shells  -  -  Wilson's  field-glass,  for 
example,  being  shattered  in  his  hand;  but,  for- 
tunately, the  enemy's  gunners  were  bad  shots. 
Some  of  the  Soudanese  soldiers  did  things  which, 
if  they  had  been  English,  would  have  entitled 
them  to  the  Victoria  Cross,  and  the  Sussex  drum- 
mer picked  up  and  threw  overboard  the  burning 
fuse  of  a  shell  which  had  burst  overhead. 

When  the  steamers  got  clear  of  the  last  guns, 
after  having  been  under  fire  more  or  less  for  four 
hours,  it  was  past  four  o'clock;  and  then  it  was, 
the  tension  of  the  fight  being  over,  that  all  on 
board  realized  to  the  full  the  terrible  nature  of 
the  situation. 

As  for  the  Soudanese,  they  were  all  in  the 
depths  of  despair  at  the  thought  of  the  ruin  in 

[204] 


General  Gordon  at  Khartoum 

which  the  fall  of  Khartoum  must  have  involved 
their  families;  and  Khashm-el-Mus,  their  chief, 
collapsed  entirely. 

So  would  Wilson,  too,  he  said,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  thought  of  how  he  was  to  get  his  steamers 
down  the  cataracts  again  —  a  much  more  dan- 
gerous business  than  that  of  bringing  them  up 
—  down  to  Abu-Kru  with  the  awful  news  that 
Khartoum  had  fallen,  and  that  Gordon  was  un- 
doubtedly dead.  Sir  Charles  had  been  acting 
as  chief  of  the  Intelligence  Department  before 
the  command  of  the  Desert  Column  devolved 
upon  him  by  the  wounding  of  Herbert  Stewart, 
and  now  here  he  was  racing  down  the  Nile  on 
his  battered  penny-steamer,  the  bearer  of  these 
terrible  tidings. 

The  steamers  continued  their  down-stream 
course  until  dark  -  -  the  Telahawiyeh  had 
grounded  but  soon  got  free  and  followed  her 
consort  —  when  they  made  fast  to  an  island 
south  of  Jebel  Royan.  From  this  place  messen- 
gers, in  the  Mahdi's  uniform,  were  sent  to  ascer- 
tain the  fate  of  Gordon,  and  on  their  return  they 
stated  that  the  town  had  fallen  on  the  morning 
of  Monday,  the  26th,  through  the  treachery  of 
Faragh  Pasha,  that  Gordon  himself  had  been 
killed,  and  the  town  given  over  to  a  three  days' 
pillage.  Faragh  Pasha  had  originally  been  a 
black  slave,  whom  Gordon  freed  and  entrusted 

[205] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

with  the  command  of  the  Soudanese  troops. 
This  ungrateful  scoundrel,  it  was  said,  had 
opened  the  gates  and  let  in  the  roaring  flood  of 
Mahdist  murderers. 

In  what  particular  manner  Gordon  himself 
had  met  his  doom  is  still  subject  to  some  little 
doubt.  All  the  best  evidence  tended  to  prove 
that  he  was  killed  at  or  near  the  palace,  where 
his  body  was  subsequently  seen  by  several  wit- 
nesses. The  only  account  by  a  person  claiming 
to  be  an  eye-witness  relates:  "On  hearing  the 
noise  I  got  my  master's  donkey  and  went  with 
him  to  the  palace.  We  met  Gordon  Pasha  at 
the  outer  door.  Mohamed  Bey  Mustafa,  with 
my  master,  Ibrahim  Bey  Rushdi,  and  about 
twenty  cavasses,  then  went  with  Gordon  towards 
the  house  of  the  Austrian  Consul  Hansel,  near 
the  church,  when  we  met  some  rebels  in  an  open 
place  near  the  outer  gate  of  the  palace.  Gordon 
Pasha  was  walking  in  front  leading  the  party. 
The  rebels  fired  a  volley,  and  Gordon  was  killed 
at  once;  nine  of  the  cavasses,  Ibrahim  Bey 
Rushdi,  and  Mohamed  Bey  Mustafa  were  killed; 
the  rest  ran  away." 

The  massacre  in  the  town  lasted  some  six 
hours,  and  about  four  thousand  persons  at  least 
were  killed.  Major  Kitchener,  of  the  Intelli- 
gence Department,  who  made  very  careful 
inquiries  into  the  circumstances  of  the  fall  of 

[206] 


GENERAL    CHARLES    GORDON  /.  206 


General  Gordon  at  Khartoum 

Khartoum,  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  ac- 
cusations of  treachery  were  the  outcome  of  mere 
supposition.  In  his  deliberate  opinion  the  city 
fell,  not  through  the  opening  of  the  gates  by 
Faragh  Pasha,  but  from  sudden  assault  when 
the  garrison  were  too  exhausted  by  privations  to 
make  proper  resistance.  If  such  were  the  case, 
the  fact  disposes  completely  of  the  reasoning  of 
those  who  argued  that,  even  if  Sir  Charles  Wilson 
had  been  able  to  start  at  once  from  Metamneh  in- 
stead of  after  a  delay  of  four  days,  he  would  not 
have  been  in  time  to  save  Gordon  by  stiffening 
the  courage  of  his  garrison  with  the  presence  of 
his  redcoats,  who  were  but  the  avant-couriers  of 
more  to  come. 

But  "Too  late!  Too  late!  by  only  a  couple  of 
days!"  -such  were  the  cruel,  the  crushing 
words  which  ever  rang  in  the  ears  of  Wilson  and 
his  companions  as  they  did  their  downhearted 
best,  amid  their  disaffected  and  almost  mutinous 
crews,  to  steer  their  steamers  down  through 
cataracts,  sunken  rocks,  and  sandbanks  far  more 
treacherous  than  Faragh  Pasha,  back  to  Abu- 
Kru  with  the  woful  burden  of  their  tidings, 


[207] 


IX 
The   Battle   of  Ping- Yang 

The  Chino- Japanese  War,  1894 
By  A.  H.  ATTERIDGE 

IN  the  summer  of  1894  the  long-standing 
rivalry  between  China  and  Japan  ended  in 
a  war,  the  immediate  cause  of  which  was  a 
dispute  about  the  conflicting  claims  of  the  two 
governments  in  Korea.  The  Japanese  landed 
troops  at  Chemulpo,  the  port  of  Seoul,  seized 
the  palace  of  the  Korean  king,  and  obtained 
from  the  new  ministry  they  placed  in  power  an 
order  to  expel  the  Chinese  from  the  country. 
The  Japanese  fleet  prevented  the  arrival  of 
Chinese  reinforcements,  the  transport  Kowshing 
being  sunk  at  sea  by  a  Japanese  cruiser  even 
before  war  was  declared.  On  July  29th  General 
Oshima  drove  the  Chinese  from  Asan.  The 
remnant  of  their  army  escaped  northwards  to 
Ping-yang.  Although  fighting  had  taken  place 
by  land  and  sea,  war  was  not  formally  declared 
till  August  1. 

War  having  been  declared,  the  Japanese  gov- 
ernment began  to  despatch  large  reenforcements 
to  Korea,  not  merely  with  a  view  to  holding 

[208] 


The  Battle  of  Ping-Yang 

Seoul  against  the  Chinese,  but  with  the  object 
of  driving  them  out  of  the  country  and  carrying 
the  war  into  Manchuria. 

A  Chinese  force,  the  numbers  of  which  were 
enormously  exaggerated  by  current  report,  had 
advanced  from  the  Yalu  River  to  Ping-yang, 
where  it  had  been  reenforced  by  troops  sent 
across  the  sea  from  Taku,  and  by  the  detach- 
ment that  Yeh  had  saved  from  the  lost  battle 
near  Asan.  Ping-yang,  a  walled  city  of  about 
twenty  thousand  inhabitants,  was  a  place  famous 
in  the  history  of  Korea.  It  had  once  been  the 
capital  of  the  country  in  the  days  before  Seoul 
became  the  residence  of  the  Court.  When  the 
Japanese  invaded  Korea  at  the  end  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  they  had  captured  Ping-yang, 
but  this  had  marked  the  farthest  limit  of  their 
conquests.  In  1592  they  had  been  attacked  and 
defeated  by  a  mixed  Chinese  and  Korean  army 
on  the  hilly  ground  about  Mount  Mok-tan, 
"the  Hill  of  Peonies,"  just  outside  the  northern 
walls  of  the  city. 

Ping-yang  stands  on  the  right  or  west  bank  of 
the  Tatung  River,  a  wide  and  deep  stream  which 
makes  a  deep  bend  and  almost  encloses  it  on 
three  sides.  The  shape  of  the  walled  city  is  a 
flattened  oval,  the  one  of  the  longer  sides  lying 
along  the  river  bank.  At  the  north  end  the 
ground  rises  sharply  to  Mount  Mok-tan,  but  all 

[209] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

round  the  country  is  hilly.  The  Chinese  did 
not  rely  for  the  defence  of  the  city  on  its  ancient 
fortifications,  which  consisted  of  a  high  em- 
battled wall,  with  numerous  gates,  each  crowned 
by  a  pagoda-like  ornamental  structure  of  painted 
and  gilded  woodwork.  They  had  erected  a 
number  of  square  earthwork  forts  on  and  around 
Mount  Mok-tan,  and  on  the  lower  ground  be- 
tween the  wall  and  the  river  at  the  south  end  of 
the  town.  There  was  a  bridge  of  boats  across 
the  river,  and  at  the  farther  end  of  this  they  had 
erected  another  group  of  forts,  with  two  ad- 
vanced works  to  watch  the  high  road  to  the 
south  and  to  Seoul.  Several  Krupp  guns,  mostly 
of  small  caliber,  were  mounted  in  these  new 
fortifications. 

The  best  troops  in  the  force  assembled  for  the 
defence  of  the  city  were  thirty-five  hundred 
partly  drilled  Manchus  under  General  Tso. 
Besides  these,  there  was  another  corps  of  fifteen 
hundred  men  from  Moukden  city,  six  thousand 
men  from  the  province  of  Pe-chi-li  under  Gen- 
eral Wei,  two  thousand  from  Port  Arthur,  and 
about  one  thousand  more  whom  General  Yeh 
had  brought  from  Asan.  On  the  strength  of  his 
alleged  success  over  the  Japanese,  Yeh  was  given 
the  chief  command. 

Meanwhile,  the  Japanese  army  in  Korea  had 
been  largely  reenforced.  At  the  beginning  of 

[210] 


The  Battle  of  Ping- Yang 

the  crisis  a  small  detachment  had  been  landed 
at  Fusan  in  the  extreme  south  of  the  peninsula 
to  protect  the  Japanese  trading  colony  in  the 
port.  On  August  6  General  Nodzu  arrived 
there  with  the  greater  part  of  the  Fifth  Division, 
and  next  day  began  to  march  northwards  to 
Seoul,  which  was  held  by  Oshima's  brigade. 
Nodzu's  force  could  have  reached  the  Korean 
capital  much  more  quickly  by  going  by  sea  to 
Chemulpo;  but  at  this  stage  of  the  war,  while 
the  Chinese  fleet  was  still  intact,  it  was  not  con- 
sidered advisable  to  send  all  the  transports  into 
the  Yellow  Sea.  Besides,  it  was  felt  that  a 
march  through  Southern  Korea  would  discour- 
age the  local  adherents  of  the  Chinese  faction 
and  establish  Japanese  influence  in  the  district. 
Nodzu  reached  Seoul  on  the  19th,  and  took  over 
the  supreme  command  of  the  Japanese  forces. 
Two  other  small  detachments  were  landed  at 
Gensan  on  the  east  coast.  One  of  these  pushed 
on  to  Seoul.  The  other  marched  towards  Ping- 
yang  to  cooperate  from  the  eastward  in  the 
coming  attack  on  that  place. 

Oshima  had  sent  two  of  his  officers  with  a 
small  party  of  cavalry  northwards  to  reconnoitre 
Ping-yang.  These  were  cut  off  and  killed  to  a 
man  by  a  much  stronger  detachment  of  Chinese 
sent  out  from  the  city  by  General  Yeh,  who  re- 

[211] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

ported  the  incident  as  a  great  victory  over  a  large 
force  of  the  invaders. 

By  the  end  of  August  General  Nodzu  was 
ready  to  begin  active  operations  against  Yeh 
and  the  Ping-yang  garrison.  Two  roads,  or 
rather  tracks,  run  through  the  hilly  country  from 
Seoul  to  Ping-yang,  one  near  the  sea,  the  other 
farther  inland  through  the  town  of  Sak-riong. 
A  column  of  all  arms  under  General  Tachimi 
had  already  been  pushed  forward  to  Sak-riong 
by  the  inner  road.  Nodzu's  plan  was  that  Ta- 
chimi should  continue  his  advance  by  this  line, 
while  he  himself  with  the  main  body  marched 
by  the  other  road.  A  third  column  under  Col- 
onel Sato  was  to  advance  from  Gensan.  All 
three  columns  were  to  be  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Ping-yang  by  September  14.  Nodzu  would 
then  leave  Oshima  to  make  an  attack  next  day 
on  the  southern  defences  of  Ping-yang,  while  he 
with  the  main  body,  having  crossed  the  Tatung 
below  the  town,  would  attack  the  place  from  the 
eastward,  and  Sato  would  attack  from  the  north, 
assisted  by  Tachimi,  who  was  to  cross  the  river 
above  the  town.  He  hoped  that  he  would  thus 
not  merely  get  possession  of  Ping-yang,  but  also 
capture  the  whole  of  Yeh's  army. 

Against  a  better  organized  and  better  trained 
force  than  that  which  held  Ping-yang  this  com- 
bined movement  of  several  columns  converging 

[212] 


The  Battle  of  Ping -Yang 

by  widely  separated  roads  upon  the  fortress 
would  have  been  a  risky  business.  If  Yeh  had 
been  a  European  commander,  he  would  have 
fallen  upon  Sato's  column  before  Nodzu  and 
Tachimi  were  able  to  give  it  any  help.  But  in 
adopting  this  plan  the  Japanese  commander 
acted  on  the  knowledge  he  possessed  of  his  op- 
ponent's character,  and  his  daring  acceptance 
of  a  theoretical  risk  was  justified  by  the  result. 

Yeh  pushed  some  small  detachments  along 
the  roads  towards  Seoul  to  delay  the  Japanese 
advance,  and  there  were  consequently  some  un- 
important skirmishes  in  which  Oshima's  brigade 
played  the  chief  part.  It  occupied  Chung-hua 
on  September  10,  Nodzu  with  the  main  body 
turning  to  the  left  at  Hwang-ju,  ten  miles  far- 
ther south,  in  order  to  cross  the  Tatung  River 
near  its  mouth.  As  Oshima's  men  approached 
Chung-hua  they  found  the  road  strewn  with  the 
oil-paper  cap-covers  worn  by  the  Chinese  troops 
in  wet  weather.  The  Korean  peasants  ex- 
plained that  these  and  other  minor  articles  of 
equipment  had  been  thrown  away  by  a  Chinese 
force,  which  had  just  retreated  towards  Ping- 
yang  after  a  night  alarm,  in  which  the  various 
regiments  in  camp  had  fired  into  each  other  in 
the  dark. 

On  the  12th  Oshima's  brigade  came  in  sight 
of  the  southern  forts  of  Ping-yang,  and  during 

[213] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

this  and  the  next  two  days  it  did  its  best  to  mis- 
lead the  Chinese  into  the  belief  that  it  had  the 
main  body  behind  it  and  was  preparing  to  rush 
the  southern  defences  and  force  the  crossing  of 
the  river  just  below  the  town.  Reconnaissances 
were  pushed  close  up  to  the  enemy's  works,  and 
there  was  some  sharp  skirmishing.  The  artil- 
lery opened  on  the  forts  in  order  to  draw  their 
fire  and  ascertain  how  they  were  armed,  and  a 
party  of  daring  volunteers  swam  the  river  under 
fire  and  brought  back  five  large  junks  from  the 
other  side.  Thus  the  attention  of  the  Chinese 
was  riveted  on  the  immediate  neighborhood  of 
Ping-yang,  and  they  knew  nothing  of  the  pas- 
sage of  the  river  near  its  mouth  by  the  main  body. 
This  was  a  tedious  operation  extending  over 
three  days,  for  the  river  was  one  thousand  yards 
wide,  its  muddy  banks  were  not  easy  of  access, 
and  the  number  of  boats  available  was  insuffi- 
cient for  rapid  transit. 

The  small  column,  advancing  from  Sak-riong 
under  General  Tachimi,  crossed  the  Tatung 
River  some  miles  above  Ping-yang  on  the  13th, 
after  dispersing  by  long-range  rifle  volleys  a 
Chinese  detachment  that  tried  to  hold  the  op- 
posite bank.  On  the  14th  Tachimi's  vanguard 
came  in  sight  of  Ping-yang,  but  he  kept  his  men 
concealed  in  the  hills  to  the  north  of  the  town. 
Colonel  Sato,  with  the  Gensan  column,  was  near 

[214] 


The  Battle  of  Ping -Yang 

at  hand  on  Tachimi's  right.  During  his  ad- 
vance, Sato  had  only  encountered  some  small 
cavalry  detachments  of  the  enemy.  On  the 
evening  of  the  14th  the  Japanese  forces  were 
thus  close  in  to  Ping-yang;  but  the  Chinese  sys- 
tem of  outposts  was  so  hopelessly  bad  that  they 
were  only  aware  of  the  presence  of  Oshima's 
brigade,  which  they  took  to  be  the  vanguard  of 
the  main  attack,  coming  as  they  expected  from 
the  south. 

On  the  night  of  the  14th,  the  eve  of  the  battle, 
the  entire  force  available  for  the  attack  amounted 
to  about  fourteen  thousand  men  with  forty-two 
guns.  But  on  account  of  the  long  delay  in  the 
crossing  of  the  Tatung  River  the  greater  part  of 
General  Nodzu's  column  was  so  far  away  that  it 
could  not  hope  to  come  into  action  till  late  on 
the  15th,  the  day  originally  fixed  for  the  attack. 
On  the  afternoon  of  September  14  Nodzu  sent 
orders  to  Oshima  to  continue  to  engage  the  ene- 
my's attention  during  the  following  day,  but  to 
postpone  the  real  attack  till  the  16th.  Unfor- 
tunately there  were  no  means  of  communicating 
this  counter-order  to  Sato  and  Tachimi.  Though 
they  were  so  close  at  hand,  connection  had  not 
been  established  with  them  either  by  messengers 
or  signalers.  The  commanders  of  the  other 
columns  only  knew  that  they  must  be  not  far  off 
to  the  northward.  With  a  more  enterprising 

[215] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

enemy  than  the  Chinese  this  want  of  connection 
between  the  columns  might  have  had  fatal  con- 
sequences. As  it  was,  General  Oshima  saw  the 
obvious  danger  of  deferring  the  attack,  and, 
"in  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  order, 
pointed  out  that,  in  all  probability,  the  Gensan 
and  Sak-riong  detachments  would  attack  on  the 
15th  as  previously  arranged,  and  that  if  this  were 
the  case  he  would  feel  bound  to  give  them  all  the 
assistance  he  could,  especially  as  the  main  col- 
umn would  be  unable  to  co-operate." 

The  night  was  fine  and  clear,  the  full  moon 
shining  brightly  in  the  sky.  An  hour  before 
dawn  Oshima,  who  was  eager  to  attack  at  all 
hazards,  had  got  his  men  ready  to  advance,  and 
at  half-past  four  his  guns  renewed  the  bombard- 
ment of  the  southern  forts.  From  the  hills  to 
the  northward  beyond  the  river  could  be  heard 
the  booming  of  another  cannonade.  Tachimi 
and  Sato  were  in  position,  and  as  soon  as  Oshi- 
ma's  guns  opened  fire  they  had  brought  their 
batteries  into  action,  and  had  begun  to  form 
their  infantry  for  the  attack.  Oshima  in  his 
turn,  on  hearing  their  fire,  ordered  his  brigade 
to  advance  against  the  Chinese  forts,  and  so  in 
the  gray  dawn  of  September  15  the  battle  of 
Ping-yang  began. 

As  soon  as  the  firing  commenced,  General  Yeh 
and  his  staff  went  to  the  gaily  painted  pagoda  at 

[216] 


The  Battle  of  Ping-Yang 

the  north  gate.  His  banner,  of  bright  crimson 
cloth,  twelve  feet  square,  and  bearing  his  name 
in  huge  characters,  hung  over  the  outer  wall. 
Close  by  he  had  a  large  body  of  Manchu  cavalry 
ready  to  charge  out  on  the  Japanese  if  they  failed 
in  their  attack.  He  had  about  twenty-five  hun- 
dred men  in  the  works  on  the  left  bank,  thirty- 
six  hundred  in  the  northern  defences,  and  about 
six  thousand  of  Li  Hung  Chang's  drilled  troops 
holding  the  town  wall  and  the  southern  defences 
near  the  river. 

Oshima's  attack  on  the  forts  of  the  left  bank 
was  intended  to  be  a  mere  feint,  but  such  was 
the  eagerness  of  both  men  and  officers  that  they 
pushed  it  home,  and  actually  got  possession  of 
some  of  the  outworks,  in  the  first  dash  made 
before  the  sun  rose.  But  for  hours  they  made 
no  further  progress.  The  Chinese,  armed  with 
Mausers  and  well  supplied  with  cartridges,  kept 
up  a  heavy  fire,  and  only  for  the  advantage  that 
their  well-served  artillery  gave  them  they  would 
have  been  driven  back.  As  it  was,  they  were 
barely  able  to  hold  their  ground,  and  at  one  mo- 
ment the  outlook  was  so  doubtful  that  one  of  the 
regiments  buried  its  colors  lest  they  should  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  only  portion 
of  Oshima's  command  that  obtained  any  de- 
cided success  was  a  detachment  of  two  com- 
panies under  Major  Okuyama,  which  crossed 

[217] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

the  river  below  the  town,  in  order  to  get  in  touch 
with  Nodzu  and  the  main  attack,  and  succeeded 
in  setting  fire  to  the  straw-roofed  houses  of  the 
southern  suburbs  of  Ping-yang. 

Meanwhile,  Tachimi  and  Sato's  columns  had 
been  more  successful  in  Jheir  attack  on  the  north- 
ern forts,  five  in  number,  three  in  the  outer  line 
and  two  others  nearer  the  city,  the  larger  of  the 
two  crowning  the  Mount  of  Peonies,  famous  as 
the  scene  of  Konishi's  defeat  three  hundred 
years  ago.  The  first  fort  was  rushed  in  the  twi- 
light; the  second,  after  being  heavily  bombarded, 
was  stormed  at  half-past  seven,  and  the  third 
was  taken  half  an  hour  later.  Covered  by  their 
artillery,  which  was  well  placed  among  the  pines 
on  the  ridges  to  the  north  of  the  city,  the  Japan- 
ese now  advanced  against  the  two  inner  forts. 
The  Chinese  abandoned  the  smaller  of  them, 
and  the  Peony  Fort  was  stormed  at  half-past 
eight,  the  Japanese,  to  use  their  own  expression, 
swarming  up  three  sides  of  the  hill  like  ants. 
The  guns  were  then  brought  up  to  the  Mount  of 
Peonies  and  opened  on  the  city  wall  and  the 
northern  gate,  the  infantry  pouring  in  a  heavy 
rifle  fire  wherever  the  defenders  attempted  a 
reply. 

It  was  not  till  near  eight  o'clock  that  General 
Nodzu  had  enough  troops  in  hand  to  begin  the 
attack  on  the  southwest  end  of  Ping-yang.  After 

[218] 


The  Battle  of  Ping-Yang 

a  brief  bombardment  of  the  outworks  he  de- 
ployed his  infantry  for  the  attack.  They  were 
gallantly  charged  by  the  Manchu  cavalry,  who 
came  rushing  out  from  one  of  the  gates,  but  these 
daring  horsemen  were  received  with  such  a  fire 
that  few  of  them  escaped.  Of  these  the  greater 
part  gained  the  open  country,  and  rode  away 
northward  to  join  the  army  on  the  Yalu.  One 
by  one  the  outlying  works  were  abandoned,  and 
the  Chinese  gradually  concentrated  their  de- 
fence on  the  high  wall  of  the  city. 

The  sky  had  become  overclouded  since  early 
morning,  and  about  noon  a  storm  burst  over 
Ping-yang.  Then  ensued  a  curious  scene. 
"Shortly  after  midday,"  wrote  the  Standard 
correspondent,  "the  dense  fog  of  smoke,  which 
had  been  slowly  drifting  eastward,  was  broken 
up  by  an  almost  tropical  downpour.  The  Chi- 
nese troops  put  up  their  oiled-paper  umbrellas 
and  resolved  to  keep  their  bodies  dry  as  well  as 
their  powder.  This  seems  almost  too  grotesque 
to  be  true,  but  it  is  a  fact.  Their  spacious  um- 
brellas, sticking  above  the  walls  of  their  trenches, 
formed  excellent  targets  for  the  Japanese  sharp- 
shooters. Chinese  soldiers  are  miserable,  de- 
pressed creatures  in  the  rain,  and  this  unfor- 
tunate downpour  had  not  a  little  to  do  with  the 
success  of  the  Japanese  attack  at  this  period." 
The  forts  on  the  high  ground  at  the  south  of  the 

[219] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

city  were  captured,  and  then  the  Chinese  hung 
out  white  flags,  and  the  firing  ceased  for  awhile, 
and  a  Chinese  officer  with  a  flag  of  truce  came 
out  in  front  of  Nodzu's  attack.  To  quote  the 
Standard  correspondent,  Mr.  Villiers,  again: 

"Some  Japanese  officers  left  their  lines  and 
met  him  half-way.  They  found  the  Chinese 
asked  for  a  suspension  of  hostilities  pending  an 
arrangement  to  surrender.  The  Japanese 
pointed  out  that  this  could  easily  be  done.  The 
Chinese  had  simply  to  lay  down  their  arms,  and 
the  Japanese  would  march  in  and  take  possession. 
The  Chinese  general  sent  word  to  say  that  they 
could  not  very  well  surrender  in  such  rainy 
weather.  His  men  would  get  drenched,  and 
things  would  be  generally  uncomfortable.  Would 
they  wait,  say,  for  twelve  hours?  The  rain 
might  lift  by  then.  But  the  Japanese  would  not 
listen  further  to  the  parley,  and  hostilities  re- 
commenced." 

The  cavalry  attempted  another  sortie,  prob- 
ably in  the  hope  of  clearing  a  way  for  a  general 
retreat.  There  were  about  five  hundred  of 
them.  They  rode  gallantly  down  on  Nodzu's 
infantry,  but  were  swept  away  almost  to  a  man 
by  the  Japanese  rifles.  On  the  north  side  of  the 
city  the  fire  had  ceased  from  the  wall,  and  the 
great  gate  seemed  to  be  abandoned.  But  this 
might  be  only  a  trick  of  the  wily  Chinese,  and 

[220] 


The  Battle  of  Ping-Yang 

after  an  attempt  to  open  the  gate  from  the  out- 
side, which  drew  fire  from  some  of  the  neighbor- 
ing loopholes,  a  gallant  soldier,  a  private  named 
Hirada,  volunteered  to  climb  the  wall  and  re- 
connoitre. His  comrades  watched  him  anx- 
iously as  he  scrambled  up  the  high  wall  beside 
the  pagoda-crowned  gateway,  from  which  the 
dragon  flag  still  flew.  He  found  the  parapet 
deserted,  got  down  and  unbolted  the  gate,  and 
the  Japanese  infantry  rushed  in.  The  Chinese 
had  retired  to  some  houses  at  a  distance  inside 
the  gate.  They  had  fired  at  Hirada  as  he  was 
opening  it,  and  they  now  exchanged  a  sharp  fire 
with  the  advancing  Japanese.  Beyond  this 
point  the  Japanese  made  no  progress  during  the 
afternoon;  and  as  the  walls  and  towers  on  the 
right  and  left  were  held  by  the  Chinese,  and  they 
were  rallying  in  the  streets,  Tachimi  decided  to 
fall  back  on  the  Peony  Mount,  and  hold  on  there 
till  the  main  attack  had  made  further  progress. 
This  retirement  after  the  gate  had  been  forced 
shows  that  the  Japanese  had  still  a  good  deal  of 
respect  for  their  opponents.  But  the  next  day 
was  to  bring  a  surprise. 

"When  morning  dawned,"  writes  the  corre- 
spondent already  quoted,  "  Ping-yang  was  silent. 
No  reveille  from  the  Chinese  lines  heralded  the 
day.  Down  by  the  western  gate  was  a  village 
smouldering.  Here  and  there  a  hut  was  strug- 

[221] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

gling  to  burst  into  flame,  for  the  rain  had  now 
ceased,  and  the  pall  of  smoke  still  hung  over  the 
valley.  The  soddened  turf,  the  fields  of  millet, 
beans,  and  corn,  wore  the  imprint  of  a  great  host 
having  passed  over  the  country.  The  roads, 
the  trails  through  the  fields,  were  strewn  with 
bright  and  gaudy  uniforms.  Flags,  quaint 
spears,  curious  old-time  muskets,  swords,  pots, 
.  and  pans,  and  several  curiously  carved  carriage 
chairs  were  sticking  in  the  mud.  The  Japanese 
army  awoke  to  this  strange  sight,  rubbed  its  eyes 
and  wondered,  then  sounded  the  advance,  and 
closed  upon  the  city.  The  earthworks,  the  re- 
doubts, and  the  city  itself  were  empty.  The 
Chinese  army  had  disappeared.  Some  twelve 
thousand  men  had  stolen  away  in  the  night. 
'He  who  fights  and  runs  away  lives  to  fight  an- 
other day.'  So  runs  the  old  adage.  These 
are  the.  tactics  the  Chinese  have  followed  since 
the  beginning  of  the  campaign.  It  was  so  at 
Asan,  where  General  Yeh  stole  out  of  the  clutches 
of  the  Japanese  with  one  thousand  troops.  These 
very  men,  after  a  splendid  march  through  the 
roughest  and  most  inhospitable  part  of  Korea, 
reached  Ping-yang  to  meet  the  Japanese  again, 
and,  with  the  rest  of  the  Ping-yang  garrison, 
succeeded  in  again  carrying  out  the  tactics  they 
followed  at  Asan." 

On  the  Japanese  side  six  hundred  and  thirty- 
[222] 


The  Battle  of  Ping-Yang 

three  men  had  fallen  in  the  attack.  Of  these, 
eight  officers  and  one  hundred  and  fifty-four  men 
were,  killed.  Oshima's  brigade  suffered  most 
severely.  Fully  three-fourths  of  the  loss  fell  upon 
it,  and  the  general  himself  was  slightly  wounded. 
The  Chinese  loss  cannot  be  so  accurately  stated. 
It  was  certainly  over  a  thousand,  besides  more 
than  six  hundred  prisoners.  The  Japanese 
acknowledge  that  the  Chinese  fought  bravely. 
They  give  especial  praise  to  the  Chinese  general 
Tso.  During  the  defence  of  the  Peony  Hill  Fort 
he  was  badly  wounded,  but  tearing  off  a  strip  of 
his  long  robe  he  bound  up  his  wound  and  con- 
tinued to  encourage  his  men.  Another  bullet 
struck  him  down  dead,  and  on  this  his  men  gave 
way.  To  this  fall  the  Japanese  attribute  their 
easy  capture  of  the  fort.  A  few  of  the  prisoners 
who  tried  to  escape  were  beheaded,  the  rest  were 
well  treated.  As  trophies  of  the  fight  the  Japan- 
ese had  thirty-five  Krupp  guns,  about  five  hun- 
dred Mauser  repeating  rifles,  and  as  many  good 
modern  breech-loaders,  quantities  of  older  weap- 
ons, flags,  cartridges  and  money. 

The  collapse  of  the  Chinese  defence  has  been 
explained  by  two  facts.  In  the  first  place  the 
defences  were  on  such  an  extensive  scale  that 
not  one  of  them  were  fully  manned.  Instead  of 
twelve  or  fourteen  thousand  men,  the  forts  and 
lines  of  Ping-yang  would  have  needed  thirty-five 

[223] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

thousand.  Again,  the  Chinese  had  expended  all 
their  energy  on  fortifications,  and  made  little  or 
no  effort  to  clear  the  front  of  their  works.  Trees 
were  left  standing  in  the  dense  pine  woods  on  the 
ridges  that  came  close  up  to  the  works,  and  thus 
the  Japanese  as  they  marched  on  the  place  were 
screened  almost  entirely  from  view,  and  had  a 
good  deal  of  cover  from  fire. 

On  the  day  of  the  battle  Marshal  Yamagata 
was  approaching  with  a  new  army  of  ten  thou- 
sand men  that  had  lately  landed  at  Chemulpo. 
He  took  over  the  chief  command  on  the  morrow 
of  the  victory.  But  there  was  no  more  fighting 
in  Korea.  Ping-yang  had  cleared  the  north  of 
the  peninsula  of  the  Chinese.  Yeh  rallied  his 
twice-beaten  army  only  behind  the  Yalu  River, 
the  northern  frontier  of  the  country,  where  the 
Chinese  were  now  gathering  an  army  for  the 
defence  of  Manchuria. 


[224] 


X 
Port    Arthur 

The  Chino- Japanese  War  (1894) 

By  A.  HILLIARD  ATTERIDGE 

AFTER  the  victory  of  Ping-yang  the  Jap- 
anese army,  now  under  Marshal  Yama- 
gata,  advanced  to  the  Yalu,  the  northern 
boundary  of  Korea,  forced  the  passage  of  the 
river  and  invaded  Manchuria.  On  September 
17  the  Japanese  fleet,  under  Admiral  Ito,  had 
brought  the  Chinese  northern  squadron  to  action 
and  defeated  it  off  the  mouth  of  the  Yalu.  This 
victory  gave  the  Japanese  the  command  of  the 
sea.  They  made  use  of  it  to  send  an  army  to 
reduce  the  great  naval  arsenal  of  Port  Arthur. 
This  second  army,  composed  of  a  division  under 
General  Yamaji  and  a  brigade  under  Hasegawa, 
the  whole  commanded  by  Marshal  Oyama,  and 
numbering  about  twenty-five  thousand  men, 
landed  on  October  24  at  Hua-yuan-kon,  in  the 
Liao-tung  peninsula,  and  marching  southwards, 
captured  Kin-chow  on  November  6,  and  Ta- 
lien-wan  on  the  7th. 

Kin-chow  and  Ta-lien-wan  had  been  captured 
by   Yamaji's    division.     Before    advancing    on 

[2251 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

Port  Arthur,  Marshal  Oyama  brought  up  Hase- 
gawa's  brigade,  and  gave  his  army,  now  concen- 
trated at  Ta-lien-wan,  and  in  touch  with  the 
fleet,  a  few  days'  rest,  during  which  the  doomed 
fortress  was  carefully  reconnoitred,  and  the 
country  between  it  and  the  Japanese  camp  was 
cleared  of  the  roving  bands  of  Chinese  braves 
that  infested  it. 

The  country  round  Port  Arthur  is  a  mass  of 
rocky  hills  with  steep  sides,  running  up  now  into 
isolated  pointed  summits,  now  into  narrow 
ridges  or  table  lands  of  no  great  width.  The 
harbor  lies  northeast  and  southwest  in  the  line  of 
its  greatest  length.  The  town  and  dockyard  are 
at  the  north  end,  between  two  hills,  the  more 
easterly  of  which  looks  out  on  the  sea.  A  rocky 
promontory  shelters  the  lower  part  of  the  harbor 
from  the  sea.  On  this  promontory,  on  the  east- 
ern hill  near  the  town,  at  the  base  of  this  hill, 
and  on  another  hill  still  farther  east,  stand  the 
sea  forts. 

This  eastern  hill  is  the  end  of  a  sickle-shaped 
range  of  heights,  with  pointed  summits  running 
inland,  and  forming  an  outlying  rampart  to  the 
town  on  the  north  and  northeast.  Each  hilltop 
is  crowned  with  a  fort.  In  the  following  narra- 
tive this  range  will  be  spoken  of  as  the  "  northern 
ridge."  West  of  the  town,  and  completing  the 
line  of  its  landward  defences,  is  another  hill, 

[226] 


Port  Arthur  -- 1894 

steep-sided,  broad-topped,  a  small  table  land, 
with  a  couple  of  summits  rising  above  its  general 
level.  This  is  the  hill  of  I-tzu-shan  (literally, 
the  "Chair  Hill").  It  is  crowned  with  three 
forts,  and  as  its  summit  is  the  highest  land  near 
the  Port,  they  overlook  and  can  take  in  reverse 
the  land  forts  on  the  inner  part  of  the  northern 
ridge.  The  hill  of  I-tzu-shan  is  thus  the  key  of 
Port  Arthur.  Once  in  possession  of  a  besieger, 
the  forts  on  the  nearer  summits  of  the  northern 
ridge  would  be  untenable,  and  these  being  taken, 
the  rest  must  fall  in  succession,  and  the  place 
would  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  besiegers. 

The  main  road  ran  into  the  town  of  Port 
Arthur  through  a  gap  between  the  I-tzu  plateau 
and  the  inland  extremity  of  the  northern  ridge, 
crossing  an  open  level  space  used  as  a  parade 
ground  by  the  garrison.  The  I-tzu  forts  com- 
manded the  gap  from  the  left,  and  on  the  right 
its  approaches  were  covered  by  the  guns  of  a 
strong  fort  built  on  the  summit  of  Sung-shu- 
shan  (the  Pine  Tree  Hill),  the  western  buttress 
of  the  ridge.  Next,  running  along  the  crest  of 
the  sickle-shaped  curve  of  the  ridge,  stood  seven 
forts  on  the  long  summits  known  as  the  Erh- 
lung  (the  Two  Dragons;  in  some  Japanese  narra- 
tives the  Urlung)  and  the  Chihuan  (the  Cock's 
Comb).  Another  fort  looked  out  on  the  sea 
from  the  east  end  of  the  ridge,  and  between  it 

[227] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

and  the  isolated  hill  near  the  town  there  was 
another  fort  on  the  lower  ground,  also  forming 
part  of  the  seaward  defences.  The  hill  between 
the  town  and  the  sea,  Huang-chin-shan  (the 
Golden  Hill),  was  crowned  by  a  fort  armed 
with  nineteen  guns.  Seven  forts  were  built  on 
the  promontory  between  the  harbor  and  the  sea 
known  to  the  Chinese  as  Lan-hu-wei  —  i.e.  the 
Tiger's  Tail.  The  largest  and  highest  placed 
of  these,  built  on  Man-tou-shan  (Bread  Hill), 
was  constructed  to  fire  across  the  harbor  and 
cover  the  left  flank  of  the  I-tzu  plateau  with  its 
long-ranging  guns. 

The  forts  had  all  been  planned,  constructed, 
and  armed  under  the  superintendence  of  Euro- 
pean and  American  engineers.  Their  heavy 
armament  consisted  of  breech-loading  Arm- 
strongs and  Krupps.  There  were  a  few  quick- 
firers,  field-pieces,  and  mountain  guns,  and 
some  machine-guns  were  used  to  flank  the 
ditches.  The  garrison  consisted  of  about  ten 
thousand  men.  Japanese  writers,  anxious  not 
to  minimize  the  success  of  their  own  army,  assert 
that  this  was  an  adequate  garrison;  but,  even  if 
the  troops  and  their  officers  had  been  of  better 
quality,  ten  thousand  men  would  be  dangerously 
dispersed  and  terribly  overworked  in  a  pro- 
longed defence  of  a  fortress  which  was  protected 
not  only  by  a  system  of  sea  forts,  but  also  by  a 

[228] 


Port  Arthur  —  1894 

line  of  land  works  extending  over  about  seven 
miles  of  ground.  There  were  twenty-two  forts 
in  all.  Allowing  only  an  average  of  four  hun- 
dred men  for  the  defence  of  each  of  them,  there 
would  be  a  reserve  of  only  twelve  hundred  men 
left.  Thirty  thousand  men  for  the  fortifications 
would  not  have  been  too  many.  Considering 
all  that  had  been  said  at  the  outset  of  the  war 
about  the  "armed  millions"  of  China,  it  is 
curious  that  she  could  only  find  this  handful  of 
men  for  the  defense  of  the  fortress  that  was  her 
chief  naval  base ;  while  the  navy  itself  could  lend 
no  co-operation  whatever  to  the  land  forces. 

On  November  20,  just  before  the  abortive 
sortie  of  the  Chinese,  Marshal  Oyama  had  as- 
sembled his  principal  officers  at  his  headquar- 
ters —  not  for  a  council  of  war,  but  to  explain 
to  them  the  arrangements  he  proposed  to  make 
for  the  assault  of  the  forts  next  day.  The  troops 
were  to  form  up  at  2  A.M.,  ready  to  march  from 
their  camps  between  Shuang-tai-kow  and  Tu- 
cheng-tzu,  so  as  to  be  in  position  before  Port 
Arthur  by  dawn.  They  were  to  march  in  three 
columns:  on  the  right  General  Yamaji,  with 
main  body  consisting  of  the  bulk  of  the  first  divi- 
sion; in  the  center  General  Hasegawa's  brigade; 
on  the  left  a  small  column  of  all  three  arms, 
moving  between  Hasegawa's  troops  and  the  sea, 
and  guarding  the  flank  of  the  advance  against  a 

[229] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

possible  sortie  from  the  forts  on  the  north  ridge. 
At  dawn  the  fleet  would  open  fire  on  the  forts 
nearest  the  sea.  The  artillery  of  the  first  divi- 
sion on  the  right  would  come  into  action  against 
the  forts  on  the  I-tzu  plateau,  taking  up  its  posi- 
tion on  a  ridge  facing  the  north  side  of  the  plateau 
and  distant  about  a  mile  from  the  forts.  In  this 
position  the  guns  could  also  be  brought  to  bear 
on  the  gap  leading  to  the  town.  On  the  left  of 
the  field  artillery,  and  a  little  to  its  rear,  the 
heavy  guns  of  the  siege  train  were  to  come  into 
action  near  the  village  of  Shui-shih-ying  ("the 
Naval  Camp"),  firing  first  at  the  I-tzu  plateau 
and  the  Pine  Tree  Hill  Fort  (Sung-su-shan), 
and  in  the  second  stage  of  the  fight  devoting  all 
their  attention  to  the  western  forts  on  the  ridge. 
Hasegawa  was  to  occupy  the  high  ground  north 
of  Shui-shih-ying,  facing  the  ridge  forts  on  which 
he  was  to  open  fire. 

During  this  bombardment  General  Nishi, 
with  the  first  brigade  of  Yamaji's  division,  was 
to  work  round  to  the  left,  or  southwestern  flank 
of  the  I-tzu  plateau.  For  the  greater  part  of 
the  way  his  march  would  be  concealed  from  the 
Chinese  by  a  lower  range  of  hills  running  north 
and  south.  In  fact,  he  would  be  under  cover 
until  his  troops  moved  over  the  crest  of  the  range 
opposite  their  objective  and  deployed  for  the 
attack.  All  this  time  his  movements  would  not 

[230] 


Port  Arthur  —  1894 

in  any  way  mask  the  fire  of  the  Japanese  bat- 
teries. It  was  expected  that  by  the  time  Nishi 
was  ready  to  advance,  the  guns  of  the  I-tzu  forts 
would  have  been  silenced  and  their  garrisons 
very  much  demoralized  by  the  Japanese  shell 
fire.  The  forts  would  then  be  attacked  by 
Yamaji's  two  brigades,  Nishi  moving  against 
the  flank  and  Nogi  against  the  front  of  the  plat- 
eau, the  artillery  meanwhile  concentrating  its 
fire  on  the  ridge,  especially  on  Sung-shu-shan 
and  the  Erh-lung  forts.  As  soon  as  the  I-tzu 
forts  were  taken,  Yamaji's  and  Hasegawa's  col- 
umns would  make  a  converging  attack  on  the 
western  forts  of  the  ridge,  and,  after  clearing 
Sung-shu-shan  and  Erh-lung  of  the  Chinese, 
rush  down  into  the  town.  Once  the  land  de- 
fences were  captured,  it  was  expected  that  the 
rest  of  the  forts  would  surrender  rather  than 
face  the  combined  attack  of  the  army  and  the 
fleet. 

The  troops  began  to  fall  in  for  the  march  at 
1  A.M.  It  was  very  dark;  the  moon  was  in  the 
first  quarter,  a  horned  crescent,  high  over  the 
Port  Arthur  hills,  and  giving  very  little  light. 
In  the  bivouacs  coolies  stood  holding  aloft  blaz- 
ing torches,  and  here  and  there  in  the  ranks  of 
the  regiments,  and  beside  the  gun  teams,  a  sol- 
dier held  a  lighted  lantern  of  painted  paper, 
giving  to  the  scene  of  preparation  for  battle 

[231] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

rather  the  air  of  a  holiday  fete  than  of  the  stern 
business  of  war.  At  last  all  was  ready,  and  the 
long  columns  tramped  off  in  the  darkness,  their 
movement  still  marked  by  hundreds  of  paper 
lanterns,  for  surprise  was  no  part  of  their  plan. 

By  five  o'clock  all  the  troops  were  in  position, 
the  guns  had  unlimbered,  and  the  men  were  lying 
down  waiting  for  the  dawn,  many  of  them  snatch- 
ing a  short  sleep,  after  the  wearying  muster  at 
midnight  and  the  march  in  the  darkness  over 
the  broken  ground. 

Oyama  and  his  staff  were  in  the  center,  with 
the  reserve  battalions  just  in  rear  of  the  long  line 
of  guns  formed  of  Yamaji's  batteries  and  the 
siege  train.  About  half-past  six  the  sky  began 
to  whiten  with  the  dawn  over  the  sea,  and  soon 
the  sharp  outlines  of  the  Chinese  forts  could  be 
made  out,  crowning  the  dark  masses  of  the  I-tzu 
plateau  on  the  right  front  and  the  long  ridge  of 
the  "Two  Dragons"  and  the  "Cock's  Comb'* 
to  the  left.  Word  was  sent  to  Yamaji  to  begin 
the  bombardment. 

The  first  gun  was  fired  from  one  of  Yamaji's 
field  batteries.  It  was  the  signal  for  all  the 
others  to  open  fire,  and  a  rain  of  shells  was  soon 
falling  on  the  plateau  forts.  The  Chinese  re- 
plied in  a  very  leisurely  way,  and  their  aim  was 
wild  and  wide  of  the  mark.  The  Japanese  fleet 
lay  off  the  harbor  mouth  about  six  miles  out  to 

[232] 


Port  Arthur  —  1894 

sea.  It  had  been  arranged  that  it  should  not 
fire  upon  Port  Arthur  during  the  first  stage  of 
the  attack,  lest  shells  flying  over  the  hills  should 
reach  the  Japanese  lines  on  the  other  side.  Ito's 
fine  cruiser  squadron  had  now  with  it  a  flotilla 
of  ten  torpedo  boats,  but  it  was  not  necessary 
for  it  to  take  any  serious  part  in  the  attack. 

The  cannonade  continued  for  more  than  an 
hour.  By  half-past  seven  the  forts  on  the  I-tzu 
tableland  were  all  but  silent,  and  the  order  was 
sent  to  Nishi's  infantry  to  advance  to  the  attack. 
There  were  very  few  correspondents  with  the 
army,  but  amongst  them  was  one  of  the  most 
experienced  English  war  correspondents,  Mr. 
Frederic  Villiers.  His  letters  give  a  vivid  im- 
pression of  the  scenes  during  the  advance  of 
Yamaji's  division  against  the  key  of  the  Chinese 
defences. 

"It  was  not  until  half-past  seven,"  he  writes, 
**  as  far  as  I  can  remember,  that  the  skirmishing 
lines  moved  up.  Then  they  swept  up  towards 
the  three  forts  which  surmounted  Table  Moun- 
tain. From  our  guns  on  the  knoll  in  Suishi  (i.e. 
Shui-shih-ying)  Valley  a  hail  of  shrapnel 
crowned  the  heights  of  Table  Mountain  with 
wreaths  of  smoke.  Shell  after  shell  burst  in 
these  works.  The  great  mountain,  seemingly 
asleep,  slowly  awakened  from  its  heavy  slumber 
and  began  to  reply  in  a  ponderous,  sleepy  sort  of 

[233] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

way.  Then  on  our  right,  where  Yamaji  stood, 
a  mountain  battery  began  shelling;  and  this  was 
answered  by  two  or  three  shells  in  our  vicinity, 
which  were  too  far  off  their  mark  to  be  pleasant 
for  the  sight-seers  on  the  left  of  Yamaji's  posi- 
tion. Nishi's  columns  moved  up  on  the  right 
to  the  first  earthwork  on  Table  Mountain,  which 
was  the  western  attack.  Nogi  moved  up  from 
the  left,  which  was  the  eastern  attack,  very 
slowly;  so  for  the  moment  the  battle  formation 
was  at  an  angle  of  about  thirty-five  degrees  from 
the  ridge  of  the  fort.  Nishi  in  about  fifteen 
minutes  carried  his  objective,  and  a  few  minutes 
after  Nogi  had  swept  up  under  a  very  galling 
fire,  though  of  short  duration,  and  the  Table 
Mountain  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Japanese. 
But  this  was  only  effected  with  considerable  loss 
for  the  short  period  during  the  rush,  the  Japanese 
losing  thirty-five  by  casualties.  Among  those 
placed  hors  de  combat  were  two  officers." 

The  Chinese  really  made  no  stand  once  they 
saw  the  long  lines  of  the  Japanese  attack  closing 
on  them.  They  abandoned  all  three  forts  one 
after  another,  on  an  average  giving  up  a  fort 
every  five  minutes.  Some  of  the  Japanese  who 
fell  in  the  attack  were  not  hit  by  shots  from  the 
I-tzu  forts,  but  by  bursting  shells  fired  over  the 
town  from  the  fort  on  Golden  Hill,  in  order  to 
cover  the  hurried  retreat  of  the  fugitives.  It 

[234] 


Port  Arthur  —  1894 

was  afterwards  ascertained  that  the  Chinese  had 
about  sixteen  hundred  men  in  the  three  forts  on 
the  tableland  and  the  fort  on  Pine  Tree  Hill,  an 
average  of  about  four  hundred  in  each  work. 
Another  sixteen  hundred  held  the  Two  Dragons 
and  the  Cock  Comb  on  the  north  ridge;  two  thou- 
sand more,  fugitives  from  Kin-chow  and  Ta- 
lien-wan,  prolonged  the  line  of  defence  along  the 
ridge  to  the  sea,  and  a  reserve  of  twelve  hundred 
men,  belonging  to  the  same  unfortunate  force, 
lay  behind  Pine  Tree  Hill,  near  the  parade 
ground. 

Thus  the  Chinese  were  hopelessly  out-num- 
bered, the  twelve  hundred  men  who  held  thel-tzu 
tableland  being  rushed  by  at  least  six  thousand, 
with  as  many  more  threatening  their  right ;  more- 
over, shut  up  in  a  series  of  separate  forts,  small 
detachments  of  less  than  five  hundred  had  to 
face  the  rush.  Of  course,  if  they  had  stuck  to 
their  works,  fired  low  and  steadily,  and  brought 
a  cross  fire  of  rifles  and  machine  guns  to  bear  on 
the  attack,  they  might  very  well  have  repulsed  the 
foe.  But  they  were  Chinese  troops,  with  very 
scant  ideas  of  mutual  support,  and  little  trust 
either  in  their  officers  or  their  weapons,  so  it  is 
no  wonder  they  went.  Although  the  correspond- 
ent call  the  Japanese  loss  serious,  the  capture 
of  the  tableland  was  surely  cheaply  bought  with 
only  two  officers  and  thirty-three  men  killed  and 

[235] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

wounded  out  of  a  whole  division.  With  any  real 
defence  the  capture  of  the  forts  would  have  meant 
the  fall  of  some  hundreds  of  men  and  officers 
in  the  columns  of  assault. 

For  the  wounded,  not  only  those  brought 
down  from  the  hill,  but  those  also  who  had  been 
hit  by  the  shells  from  the  Chinese  forts  during 
the  cannonade,  prompt  and  ample  provision  had 
been  made  by  the  Japanese  medical  corps.  To 
quote  again  from  Mr.  Villiers'  letter : 

"  During  the  fight  I  was  watching  a  hamlet  of 
about  half  a  dozen  houses  at  the  end  of  the  neck 
of  the  ravine  (near  the  artillery  position) .  When 
the  first  shots  were  fired  the  Red  Cross  flag  was 
run  up,  and  by  its  side  was  the  national  flag  of 
Japan.  The  doctors  were  already  preparing  for 
casualties.  About  that  time  a  sharp  fusillade 
was  going  on  on  our  right  flank.  The  only  de- 
cent tactics  the  Chinese  showed  in  this  miserable 
business  was  an  attempt  at  a  flanking  movement, 
started  too  late  on  our  attack  upon  the  Table 
Mountain.  For  the  moment  it  was  utter  con- 
fusion. The  Chinese  from  the  small  forts  on  the 
Port  Arthur  inlet  were  firing  shell  after  shell  at 
the  fort  that  had  already  been  occupied,  but 
these  missed  and  burst  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Red 
Cross  hamlet,  and  a  tremendous  fusillade  was 
going  on  in  the  valley  on  the  right  of  us.  Nogi, 
with  two  regiments,  was  sent  out  to  turn  this 

[236] 


Port  Arthur  —  1894 

flanking  movement  of  the  Chinese,  and  the 
mountain  battery  which  had  done  such  execu- 
tion in  the  taking  of  Table  Mountain  was  hurried 
down  from  the  heights,  thundering  through  the 
ravine  down  to  the  valley  on  our  right  to  assist 
Nogi's  column. 

"The  little  Red  Cross  hamlet  was  beginning 
to  fill  up  with  casualties.  The  men  were  brought 
down  on  stretchers,  dripping  with  their  blood, 
and  laid  on  straw  in  front  of  the  small  gardens 
of  the  houses.  Within  one  of  the  gardens  were 
tables  already  erected,  at  which  the  doctors  were 
busily  at  work.  In  my  considerable  experience 
of  many  armies  in  the  field,  I  have  not  seen  more 
excellent  work  done  on  the  actual  field  of  battle 
by  surgeons.  Nothing  was  wanting.  The  latest 
improvements  in  antiseptic  lint,  in  the  sterilizing 
of  the  instruments,  were  there,  right  on  the  field 
of  battle.  The  Red  Cross  boxes  were  filled  with 
the  latest  necessaries  for  the  treatment  of  the 
wounded.  Each  man  who  was  treated  had  his 
name  checked,  and  a  little  tag  with  his  name 
and  the  nature  of  his  wound  tied  to  one  of  his 
legs,  and  then  he  was  forwarded  to  the  field  hos- 
pital. And  all  this  was  done  under  circum- 
stances the  most  trying  for  delicate  surgical  work. 
Shells  from  the  great  Eastern  Fort  on  Golden 
Mount  were  bursting  in  our  vicinity,  though 
why  so  much  good  ammunition  was  wasted  no 

[237] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

one  could  tell.  Many  of  the  stretcher  bearers 
had  to  pause  from  their  work  and  seek  cover  be- 
hind the  walls  of  the  houses,  but  the  doctors 
calmly  went  on.  One  horse,  belonging  to  a  doc- 
tor, standing  just  outside  the  little  garden  of 
which  I  have  been  speaking,  had  its  neck  broken 
by  a  fragment  of  shell,  and  lay  there  weltering 
in  its  blood,  with  the  rest  of  the  wounded  lying 
about  on  the  street.  Speaking  of  this  Red  Cross 
work  to  Colonel  Taylor,  who  has  been  specially 
sent  out  by  the  British  Foreign  Office  to  report 
on  the  Japanese  system  of  ambulance,  he  told 
me  that  what  he  saw  in  the  Shui-shih  Valley  was 
quite  equal  to  anything  he  had  ever  witnessed 
under  similar  conditions." 

When  Nogi's  brigade  had  cleared  the  northern 
end  of  the  Table  Mountain  of  the  last  of  the 
Chinese,  there  was  a  brief  lull  in  the  engage- 
ment. The  fleet  now  began  to  fire  long-ranging 
shots  at  the  seaward  forts,  and  on  the  land  Ya- 
maji's  batteries  and  the  siege  train  concentrated 
their  fire  on  the  fort  on  Sung-shu-shan  (Pine 
Tree  Hill),  the  mountain-guns  being  taken  up 
to  the  top  of  the  Table  Mountain  to  assist  in  the 
bombardment.  These  Chinese  abandoned  the 
fort  under  this  heavy  artillery  fire,  after  lighting 
a  fuse  near  the  magazine,  in  order  to  blow  the 
work  up.  This  occurred  a  little  after  eleven, 

[238] 


Port  Arthur- -1894 

while  the  Japanese  infantry  were  moving  to  the 
attack  of  the  north  ridge. 

General  Hasegawa  was,  meanwhile,  advancing 
across  the  valley  in  front  of  these  forts  and  the 
Cock's  Comb.  He  had  only  his  mountain  bat- 
teries with  him,  but  was  assisted  by  the  fire  of 
Yamaji's  guns,  which  were  now  enfilading  the 
ridge  from  the  first  artillery  position,  and  drop- 
ping shells  on  to  it  from  the  captured  Table 
Mountain.  Hasegawa's  infantry  crossed  the 
valley  below  the  ridge  in  successive  lines  of  skir- 
mishers, being  exposed  to  a  heavy  fire  as  they 
traversed  the  open  ground,  and  suffering  a  good 
deal  of  loss.  As  they  reached  the  base  of  the 
ridge  they  were  able  to  get  cover  under  its  steep 
sides.  Here  they  massed  and  prepared  for  the 
assault.  Above  them  the  rocky  hillsides  rose 
abruptly  to  the  forts,  which  stand  at  a  height  of 
about  three  hundred  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
valley. 

By  ten  o'clock  the  three  battalions  of  the 
Twenty-fourth  Regiment  (sturdy  fighting  men 
from  the  southern  island  of  Kiu-shiu,  which 
boasts  that  it  has  produced  more  of  the  heroes 
of  Japan  than  any  other  district)  were  massed  at 
the  base  of  the  ridge  and  began  to  climb  the 
slope.  At  first  they  were  protected  by  the  very 
steepness  of  the  hillside,  but  about  half-way  they 
came  under  fire  from  the  forts  at  a  range  of  six 

[239] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

hundred  yards.  There  was  a  temporary  check 
at  this  point,  and  then  the  regiment  went  on 
again.  An  English  officer  who  watched  this 
assault  of  the  Two  Dragons  and  Cock's  Comb 
forts  thus  described  the  scene : 

"We  reached  a  hill  to  which  the  Japanese 
artillery  were  moving,  just  in  time  to  watch  a 
most  magnificent  attaok  by  the  Japanese  in- 
fantry from  the  north  straight  up  at  a  fort  facing 
them,  and  under  the  fire  of  guns  and  rifles  from 
three  others  as  well.  It  was  a  scene  to  remember 
forever.  The  Japanese  artillery  were  in  a  good 
position  now  for  enfilading  these  forts,  and  did 
so  with  the  nearest  fort  with  the  best  effect.  It 
was  evacuated  by  the  Chinese  at  11.10  A.M., 
and  blew  up  immediately  afterwards.  The  ar- 
tillery then  fired  at  the  next  fort,  at  which  the 
main  infantry  attack  was  directed ;  but  the  range 
was  long,  and  the  shooting  not  quite  good  enough 
to  be  effective  for  some  time.  Meanwhile  the 
Japanese  infantry  were  climbing  the  slope,  tak- 
ing advantage  of  whatever  slight  cover  could  be 
found.  The  ground  round  them  was  ploughed 
up  by  the  Chinese  projectiles,  but  they  never 
stopped,  and  seemed  quite  unhurt.  At  last 
they  rested  for  a  few  minutes  about  three  hun- 
dred yards  below  the  fort  in  a  fold  of  the  ground, 
which  gave  time  for  the  slower  ones  to  come  up 
to  the  front.  Then  once  more  on.  But  just  as 

[240] 


Port  Arthur  —  1894 

they  moved  forward  a  row  of  land  mines  ex- 
ploded right  in  front  of  them.  They  seemed  to 
stagger  for  a  moment,  and  then  rushed  on.  But 
by  this  time  the  Chinese  were  beginning  to  suffer 
from  the  Japanese  artillery  fire,  and  just  before 
the  Japanese  infantry  reached  the  fort  the  Chi- 
nese left  it.  This  was  at  11.25  A.M.  That 
settled  all  the  forts  which  faced  north." 

The  fort  blown  up  at  11.10  was  Sung-shu- 
shan,  the  Chinese  having  fired  the  magazine  as 
they  left  it.  The  fort  captured  at  11.25  was  one 
of  the  works  on  the  Cock's  Comb  (Chi-huan- 
shan).  The  Two  Dragons  forts  and  the  rest  ot 
the  works  on  the  ridge  were  rapidly  evacuated 
by  the  Chinese.  By  half-past  twelve  all  the 
land  defences  had  been  abandoned  except  the 
great  fort  on  Shang-chin-shan  (Golden  Hill), 
whose  batteries  not  only  defended  the  harbor 
mputh,  but  also  looked  towards  the  land  over 
the  roofs  of  the  town. 

Before  following  further  the  story  of  the  fight, 
an  incident  of  the  attack  on  the  north  ridge  must 
be  related  here,  as  an  illustration  of  the  Japanese 
code  of  military  honor.  One  of  the  officers  of 
the  Twenty-fourth  Regiment,  Captain  Kani, 
had  been  seriously  ill  for  some  days  in  hospital, 
and  was  reduced  to  a  state  of  great  weakness. 
Nevertheless,  on  the  eve  of  the  attack  on  Port 
Arthur  he  insisted  on  resuming  command  of  his 

[241] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

company.  It  was  one  of  those  assigned  for  the 
actual  attack  on  the  Two  Dragons  and  Cock's 
Comb  Forts.  Kani  struggled  on  through  the 
night  march,  climbed  the  steep  hillside  under 
fire  with  his  men,  but  when  the  rush  for  the  fort 
came  he  fell  down  utterly  exhausted,  within  a 
hundred  yards  of  the  rampart,  over  which  his 
men  dashed  without  him.  He  was  taken  to  hos- 
pital, but  instead  of  taking  the  natural  view  that 
he  had  done  his  best  to  be  with  his  men,  and  had 
indeed  led  them  up  to  the  point  when  the  enemy's 
resistance  collapsed,  he  thought  only  of  his  fail- 
ure to  be  with  them  to  the  last,  and  said  he  was 
ashamed  forever,  if  he  survived,  after  remaining 
behind.  A  week  after  the  battle  he  managed  to 
escape  from  the  hospital,  went  back  to  the  ridge, 
and  on  the  spot  where  he  had  fallen  he  killed 
himself  with  his  sword.  A  letter  was  found  be- 
side him.  "It  was  here,"  he  had  written,  "that 
sickness  compelled  me  to  stop  and  leave  my 
men  to  assault  the  fort  without  me.  Never  can 
I  wipe  out  the  disgrace  while  I  live.  To  vin- 
dicate my  honor  I  die  here,  and  leave  this  letter 
to  speak  for  me."  Such  deeds  are  an  inherit- 
ance from  the  days  of  feudal  Japan.  One  may 
well  regret  that  a  mistaken  code  of  honor  should 
thus  deprive  his  country  of  the  services  of  so 
brave  a  soldier  as  Captain  Kani. 

By  half-past  twelve  the  hills  round  Port  Arthur 

[242] 


Port  Arthur  —  1894 

were  in  possession  of  the  Japanese  army.  Their 
artillery  was  being  dragged  up  to  the  summits 
in  order  to  concentrate  its  fire  on  the  Golden 
Hill.  On  all  the  forts  on  the  ridge  and  the 
plateau  except  one  the  Japanese  flag  was  flying, 
and  that  one  exception  was  a  mass  of  blackened 
and  smoking  ruins.  The  way  into  the  town  lay 
across  the  wide  open  space  of  the  parade  ground 
below  the  north  ridge,  a  space  partly  surrounded 
by  low  walls;  beyond,  the  road  ran  over  a  little 
river  by  a  narrow  bridge,  beyond  which  opened 
the  main  street  of  the  town.  The  houses,  light 
buildings,  mostly  without  an  upper  story,  were 
crowded  along  the  farther  side  of  the  stream. 
High  above  them  towered  the  Golden  Hill,  from 
which  the  Chinese  gunners  were  making  good 
practise  at  any  Japanese  that  showed  near  the 
parade  ground. 

Across  this  open  space  the  Japanese  infantry 
were  exchanging  rifle  fire  with  two  bodies  of 
Chinese,  who  held  a  couple  of  shelter  trenches 
near  the  houses  just  beyond  the  stream  and  on 
the  slope  of  "Cairn  Hill"  north  of  the  suburb. 
The  Japanese  staff  was  anxious  to  do  as  little 
injury  as  possible  to  the  town  and  dockyard. 
To  have  bombarded  them  would  have  been  to 
risk  a  fire  that  might  have  destroyed  the  very 
workshops,  stores  and  machinery  they  hoped  to 
secure  for  the  use  of  their  own  navy.  So  the 

[243] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

guns  were  leveled  only  against  the  hostile  bat- 
teries on  the  Golden  Hill,  and  to  the  infantry 
was  assigned  the  task  of  clearing  the  town  of  the 
enemy.  The  Second  Regiment,  which  had  not 
yet  been  engaged,  was  ordered  to  attack  across 
the  parade  ground. 

At  first  they  made  very  little  progress.  So 
heavy  was  the  fire  of  the  Chinese,  who  held  the 
approaches  to  the  bridge,  that  it  was  thought 
they  must  be  armed  with  repeating  rifles.  But 
gradually,  notwithstanding  severe  loss,  the  in- 
fantrymen worked  their  way  close  up  to  the 
stream,  advancing  under  some  cover  which  they 
found  to  left  or  right  of  the  open  space  of  the 
parade,  here  slipping  behind  a  low  wall,  there 
crawling  along  a  ditch.  So  the  rifle  fire  directed 
across  the  stream  at  the  Chinese  gradually  in- 
creased in  intensity,  as  more  and  more  men  came 
up.  A  little  before  three  a  battalion  extended 
across  the  parade  ground  and  crossed  it  in  alter- 
nate rushes,  the  men  kneeling  to  fire.  As  they 
neared  the  bridge  they  closed  into  a  small  col- 
umn and  dashed  across.  The  Chinese  did  not 
wait  for  them.  They  fled  down  the  lanes  of  the 
town,  throwing  away  their  weapons.  About  the 
same  time  the  fire  ceased  from  the  Golden  Hill, 
and  the  fort  was  abandoned.  Only  the  sea  forts 
on  the  promontory  of  the  "Tiger's  Tail"  still 

[244] 


Port  Arthur  —  1894 

flew  the  dragon  flag  of  China,  and  exchanged  a 
slow  fire  at  long  range  with  the  fleet. 

Port  Arthur,  notwithstanding  all  its  elaborate 
fortifications,  had  been  taken  in  less  than  nine 
hours,  and  with  a  loss  of  life  that,  considering 
the  nature  of  the  enterprise,  might  be  described 
as  trifling.  It  was  a  glorious  day  for  the  Japan- 
ese arms. 


[245] 


XI 

The  Greco-Turkish  War,  1897 

The  Battle  of  Domokos 
By  A.  HILLIARD  ATTERIDGE 

IN  the  early  spring  of  1897  the  progress  of 
the  insurrection  in  Crete,  the  landing  in  the 
island  of  three  thousand  Greek  troops  under 
Colonel  Vassos,  the  successes  won  over  the 
Turks,  and  the  armed  action  of  the  international 
fleet  against  the  insurgents,  had  all  combined  to 
fan  to  fever  heat  the  popular  excitement  in 
Greece.  To  the  Sultan's  order  for  the  partial 
mobilization  of  the  Turkish  army  King  George 
had  replied  by  concentrating  the  Greek  army  on 
the  frontiers  of  Thessaly  and  Epirus.  The  fleet 
had  already  been  prepared  for  war  with  a  view 
to  the  expedition  to  Crete.  The  calling  out  of 
the  reserves  of  the  land  army  rapidly  raised  the 
numbers  of  the  troops  on  the  frontier,  and  these 
were  reinforced  by  the  bands  organized  by  the 
Ethnike  Hetaireia,  which  were  followed  by  the 
Government  to  form  camps  of  their  own  near 
the  border.  This  added  considerably  to  the 
danger  of  war. 

The  demonstrations  in  Athens  had  now  be- 
come   almost    daily    events.     Zeto    o    Polemos! 

[246] 


The  Greco-Turkish  War  —  1897 

("  Hurrah  for  War ! ")  was  the  popular  cry.  The 
leaders  of  the  agitation  had  persuaded  them- 
selves and  their  followers  that  war  meant  cer- 
tain and  easy  victory  over  the  Turk.  Mace- 
donia would  rise  in  arms,  Albania  would  pro- 
claim its  independence  and  refuse  to  fight  for 
the  Sultan,  the  communications  of  the  Turkish 
army  would  be  cut  by  the  insurrection  in  its 
rear.  It  would  be  left  without  supplies  of  food 
or  cartridges,  and  forced  to  retreat  through  a 
hostile  country  or  surrender  to  the  Greeks  in  its 
front.  It  was  reported  that  the  Turkish  Gov- 
ernment was  so  short  of  money  that  already  it 
could  not  obtain  supplies  for  the  troops  it  was 
trying  to  mobilize ;  that  those  who  had  been  got- 
ten together  were  starved,  ragged,  barefoot;  and 
that  smallpox  and  fever  had  broken  out  in  their 
camps.  These  reports,  as  we  shall  presently  see, 
had  very  little  foundation  in  fact,  but  they  served 
to  increase  the  popular  enthusiasm  for  war. 

The  Turkish  fleet  was  notoriously  inefficient. 
The  navy  had  taken  a  leading  part  in  the  de- 
position of  Sultan  Abdul  Aziz  in  1877,  and  Abdul 
Hamid  regarded  it  always  with  suspicion.  He 
did  not  like  the  idea  of  his  palace  and  capital 
being  under  the  guns  of  a  squadron  that  some 
Pasha  might  use  as  the  trump  card  in  another 
game  of  revolution.  The  most  powerful  ships 
were  ironclads  of  a  type  that  was  getting  out  of 

[247] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

date  twenty  years  before.  On  the  eve  of  the 
war,  orders  were  given  to  patch  them  up.  But, 
do  what  they  would,  the  Turks  had  to  confess 
that  the  Greek  fleet  with  three  small  modern 
battleships  and  a  flotilla  of  torpedo  craft  had  the 
undisputed  command  of  the  sea.  Vigorously 
used,  this  fleet  might  be  an  important  factor  in 
the  war;  for  once  hostilities  began,  the  Turks 
could  make  no  use  of  transport  by  sea,  and  their 
supplies  and  reinforcements  would  have  to  reach 
their  base  of  operations  at  Salonika  by  a  single 
line  of  railway  which  runs  along  the  coast  of 
Roumelia  in  easy  reach  of  the  sea,  and  be  de- 
stroyed by  the  Greek  fleet.  Salonika  itself 
might  not  be  safe  from  a  vigorous  attack. 

It  was  further  hoped  by  the  friends  of  Greece 
that  the  other  small  states  of  the  Balkan  penin- 
sula would  join  in  the  attack  on  the  Sultan. 
Montenegro,  Servia,  and  Bulgaria  were  all  ex- 
pected to  put  their  armies  in  the  field.  The 
Turk  was  not  merely  to  be  defeated  in  Mace- 
donia; he  was  to  be  swept,  bag  and  baggage,  out 
of  Europe.  Unhappily  for  the  Greeks,  they  were 
counting  on  insurrection  to  prepare  the  way  for 
their  victorious  advance. 

If  there  was  to  be  a  fight  across  the  border 
against  the  Turk,  it  could  not  be  very  long  de- 
layed. In  March  the  snows  were  melting  on 
the  mountains,  the  streams  were  full  of  good 

[248] 


The  Greco-Turkish  War  —  1897 

water,  the  young  grass  was  springing  up,  helping 
to  solve  the  problem  of  feeding  cavalry,  artillery, 
and  transport  horses  and  mules.  The  fight 
must  be  in  the  spring.  If  it  were  delayed  even 
till  the  early  summer,  the  whole  country  would 
be  burned  up  by  the  heat,  and  the  mere  dearth 
of  water  would  make  it  difficult  to  move  brigades 
and  divisions  through  the  hilly  country  of  Epirus 
and  Macedonia. 

From  the  middle  of  February  the  concentra- 
tion of  the  rival  armies  on  the  northern  frontiers 
of  Greece  had  been  in  progress.  If  anything, 
the  Greeks  would  have  gained  by  an  early  dec- 
laration of  war,  for  now  day  by  day  the  numer- 
ical superiority  of  the  Turks  was  increasing, 
and  so  long  as  the  state  of  war  did  not  exist, 
they  were  able  to  make  some  use  of  the  sea  for 
supplying  their  armies.  But  the  Greek  Gov- 
ernment was  waiting  for  two  things,  and  there- 
fore held  its  hand.  It  wanted  the  war  to  be 
heralded  by  an  insurrection  in  Macedonia,  and 
it"wanted  the  actual  declaration  of  hostilities  to 
come  from  Constantinople,  so  that  Greece 
might  be  regarded  as  acting  only  in  self-defence, 
and  might  thus  have  a  claim  on  the  sympathies 
of  Europe.  This  reluctance  to  fire  the  first  shot 
was  shared  by  the  Turks;  for  the  Powers  had 
issued  a  joint  declaration  that  if  either  party 
broke  the  peace  the  aggressor  would  not  be  al- 

[249] 


lowed  to  obtain  any  territorial  advantage  even 
in  the  event  of  victory. 

But  this  waiting  game  could  not  be  prolonged 
indefinitely,  and  in  the  first  days  of  April  the 
Ethnike  Hetaireia  began  to  use  its  irregular 
bands  on  the  border  in  a  way  that  was  sure  to 
provoke  a  Turkish  declaration  of  war.  It  cer- 
tainly acted  with  the  connivance,  and  even  the 
aid,  of  Greek  regular  officers  on  the  frontier. 
How  far  the  headquarters  staff  of  the  Royal 
army  was  a  party  to  these  proceedings,  how  far 
the  cabinet  at  Athens  was  involved  in  the  policy 
of  this  powerful  secret  society,  it  is  not  possible 
to  say. 

It  was  not  until  the  Greeks  had  raided  the 
Turkish  frontier  at  Karya  that  war  was  declared. 
Edhem  Pasha  reported  the  news  of  the  raid 
to  Constantinople.  He  followed  up  this  first 
message  with  others  telling  how  fighting  had 
begun  now  here,  now  there,  and  he  had  ordered 
up  his  reserves.  In  the  afternoon  he  was  in- 
formed by  a  telegram  from  the  capital  that  war 
had  been  declared,  and  he  was  ordered  to  ad- 
vance in  force  against  the  Greeks  next  morning. 

He  had  already  sent  into  action  all  the  troops 
who  were  actually  at  hand,  and  was  pressing  the 
Greeks  slowly  back  toward  the  frontier.  The 
firing  went  on  far  into  the  night,  by  the  bright 
light  of  the  full  moon.  But  for  the  official  world 

[250] 


The  Greco-Turkish  War—  1897 

the  war  began  only  at  dawn  on  the  Easter  Sunday 
morning.  It  was  not  to  last  long.  Begun  on 
April  18,  it  ended  on  May  18,  just  thirty  days 
later.  It  might  be  called  the  Thirty  Days  War. 

After  a  not  very  seriously  contested  fight  for 
the  frontier  in  Thessaly,  the  Greeks  were  forced 
to  retire;  the  Turks  were  successful  in  the  battles 
of  Pharsala,  Velestino,  and  Volo,  and  after  the 
battle  of  Pharsala  there  had  been  no  attempt  at 
a  pursuit,  and  the  Turks  had  lost  all  touch  of 
the  Greek  main  army.  It  was  ascertained, 
however,  that  it  would  make  another  stand  on 
the  hills  about  Domokos. 

Finally  at  6  A.M.  on  the  17th  of  May,  the  Turk- 
ish columns  began  the  march.  The  compara- 
tively level  ground  over  which  the  left  wing 
moved  to  battle  was  here  and  there  planted  with 
corn  —  now  standing  high  and  green  —  but 
was  mostly  undulating  grass  land,  uncultivated 
natural  pasture.  Here  and  there  rose  rocky 
knolls,  and  there  were  a  number  of  small  villages. 
It  was  an  intensely  hot  day,  and  the  five  columns, 
each  formed  by  a  brigade,  moved  very  slowly, 
the  ranks  opening  out,  and  the  columns  length- 
ening, so  that  when  they  were  sighted  from  the 
citadel  of  Domokos  it  was  reported  to  the  Crown 
Prince  that  not  five  brigades,  but  five  divisions, 
were  advancing  against  his  front. 

The  first  shots  were  fired  on  the  left  about  ten 

[251] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

o'clock.  Hairi  Pasha's  advanced  guard  was  ap- 
proaching the  village  of  Tsiobu,  when  from  the 
houses  and  enclosures  of  the  little  place  there 
came  a  rapid  discharge  of  musketry.  The  vil- 
lage was  held  only  by  a  handful  of  Greek  cavalry, 
most  of  whom  were  dismounted  on  its  northern 
edge,  but  they  were  using  their  carbines  to  such 
good  effect  that  the  cautious  Turkish  com- 
mander overestimated  their  force,  took  them  for 
at  least  a  whole  rifle  battalion,  and  began  to 
deploy  his  advanced  guard  in  a  long  battle  line 
as  if  he  were  going  to  fight  a  serious  action. 
Edhem  Pasha  with  his  staff  had  ridden  to  the 
top  of  a  little  knoll  near  the  high  road  when 
they  heard  the  firing.  With  their  field  glasses 
they  were  able  to  see  that  Hairi  could  not  pos- 
sibly have  any  large  force  in  front  of  him,  and 
after  impatiently  watching  the  fusillade  for  a 
while  a  galloper  was  sent  to  hurry  him  on,  for 
Neshat  and  the  Second  Division  had  been  di- 
rected not  to  get  farther  forward  than  the  First 
Division  on  the  left,  and  the  whole  of  that  division 
was  halted.  It  was  nearly  eleven  o'clock  when 
Hairi's  vanguard  at  last  pushed  boldly  forward, 
and  the  Greek  horsemen  galloped  off  from  the 
south  end  of  the  village. 

Half  an  hour  later  the  Greek  siege  guns 
mounted  on  the  heights  of  Domokos  opened 
fire  on  the  heads  of  Neshat's  columns.  The 

[252] 


The  Greco-Turkish  War  —  1897 

range  was  nearly  eight  thousand  yards,  or  about 
four  and  a  half  miles,  but  the  distances  had  been 
carefully  noted  by  the  Greek  artillery  officers, 
and  they  made  very  fair  practice.  They  would 
have  done  more  damage  if  they  had  had  better 
ammunition,  but  many  of  the  big  shells  failed 
to  burst.  Neshat's  batteries  could  not  reply  at 
such  a  long  range,  but  the  troops  deployed  to 
diminish  the  target  they  presented,  and  moved 
partly  under  the  cover  of  the  rocky  knolls  in  the 
plain.  The  vanguard  was  in  action  driving  in 
the  Greek  cavalry  outposts,  and  the  boom  of 
guns  from  the  hills  far  away  to  the  left  suggested 
that  Hamdi's  division  was  meeting  with  more 
opposition  to  his  turning  movement  than  had 
been  anticipated. 

Hairi's  division  on  the  left  was  not  only  hope- 
lessly slow  in  its  movements,  but  now  began  to 
miss  its  proper  direction.  It  ought  to  have 
moved  on  the  immediate  right  of  Nury  Pasha's 
Adrianople  brigade.  But  it  was  inclining  more 
and  more  to  the  south  west  ward.  The  Albanian 
irregulars  who  formed  its  flank-guard  had  come 
upon  the  Greek  outposts  in  front  of  the  enemy's 
extreme  right  and  were  firing  heavily,  and  Hairi, 
always  cautious  to  an  extent  that  was  mischiev- 
ous to  the  general  plan  of  the  day's  operations, 
had  halted  again  and  sent  them  reinforcements. 
Another  staff  officer  was  sent  to  hurry  him  on 

[253] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

and  set  him  right.  Meanwhile  Neshat  had  to 
wait  for  him.  It  was  some  time  before  the  ad- 
vance of  the  right  wing  was  resumed. 

So  far  there  had  been  mere  skirmishing  in 
the  plain  and  a  distant  cannonade  from  the 
heights.  The  great  natural  rampart  of  the 
Domokos  ridge,  now  wreathed  in  the  smoke  of 
the  Greek  batteries,  might  well  seem  unassail- 
able, and  it  was  no  part  of  Edhem's  plan  to 
attack  it  in  earnest  on  this  day.  The  hill, 
crowned  by  the  citadel,  rose  fifteen  hundred  feet 
above  the  plain ;  from  the  crest  the  hill  descended 
in  a  series  of  terraces,  and  each  had  its  line  of 
shelter  trenches  for  infantry,  with  here  and 
there  the  more  massive  earthworks  of  a  battery. 
Looking  at  it,  Edhem  realized  that  it  was  ground 
that  might  well  be  held  by  a  comparatively  small 
force,  and  as  the  sound  of  firing  came  heavier 
and  heavier  from  the  hills  to  the  eastward,  it 
occurred  to  him  that  the  Crown  Prince  was 
probably  employing  a  considerable  part  of  his 
force  to  check  the  all-important  flank  movement, 
and,  if  not  hard  pressed  at  Domokos,  might  still 
further  reinforce  his  right.  So  Neshat  was 
ordered  to  advance  without  waiting  for  Hairi's 
belated  co-operation. 

The  Turkish  left  wing,  under  Hamdi  and 
Memdhuk,  had  been  making  very  slow  progress, 
on  account  of,  first,  the  difficulties  of  the  ground 

[254] 


The  Greco-Turkish  War—  1897 

they  had  to  traverse,  and  then  the  obstinate  re- 
sistance of  the  small  Greek  force  opposed  to 
them,  which  was  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Mastrapas.  Hamdi  very  early  in  the  day  de- 
cided that  he  could  not  possibly  drag  the  greater 
part  of  his  artillery  over  the  rugged  paths  of 
Mount  Khassiadiari.  He  kept  with  him  only 
his  mountain  battery  and  one  of  the  field-bat- 
teries. It  fared  even  worse  with  Memdhuk, 
who  kept  only  six  mountain  guns,  and  sent  all 
his  field-batteries  back  to  Pharsala.  About 
8  A.M.  Hamdi's  advance  guard  was  in  action 
against  the  outposts  of  the  Fourth  Greek  regi- 
ment. A  few  companies  for  a  while  held  in 
check  a  whole  battalion  of  Albanian  regulars. 
Forced  back  by  sheer  weight  of  numbers,  the 
Greeks  doggedly  defended  every  inch  of  the 
ground,  and  Hamdi  had  to  use  his  artillery  to 
force  his  way  forward.  Memdhuk  came  into 
action  somewhat  later,  his  opponents  being  a 
battalion  of  Euzonoi.  Had  the  Crown  Prince 
reinforced  his  right  early  in  the  day  —  above 
all,  had  he  sent  some  of  his  mountain  batteries 
to  the  help  of  Mastrapas  —  the  result  of  the 
fight  might  have  been  different.  As  it  was,  the 
brave  linesmen  and  rifles  were  very  slowly,  but 
none  the  less  surely,  forced  back.  So  it  was  not 
till  late  in  the  afternoon  that  the  heads  of  the 
Turkish  columns  had  reached  the  points  as- 

[255] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

signed  to  them  in  the  orders  for  the  day,  and 
Memdhuk  was  not  able  even  to  attempt  the  dash 
for  the  Phurka  Pass,  which  had  been  suggested 
as  the  best  use  to  make  of  the  Albanian  irregu- 
lars attached  to  his  division. 

By  three  o'clock  the  Greek  outposts  had  been 
withdrawn  from  the  plain  in  front  of  Domokos, 
and  Neshat's  divisional  artillery  and  some  of 
Riza's  reserve  batteries  were  in  action  against 
the  Greek  guns  on  the  terraced  hillside.  The 
Turkish  infantry  began  to  move  forward  to  the 
attack,  and  the  battle  began  in  grim  earnest. 
In  front  of  the  first  and  lowest  line  of  Greek 
trenches  before  Domokos  a  long  firing  line  of 
Turkish  infantry  was  pressing  on,  the  Adrianople 
brigade  on  the  right,  another  of  Neshat's  brig- 
ades on  the  left.  They  slowly  gained  ground 
till  they  reached  a  little  stream  about  six  hun- 
dred yards  from  the  trenches.  Then  their  fur- 
ther progress  was  checked.  So  heavy  and  rapid 
was  the  fire  of  the  Greek  infantry,  that  one  of 
the  correspondents  with  the  Turkish  army  re- 
marks that  one  might  well  imagine  that  the 
Greeks  had  suddenly  exchanged  their  old  Gras 
rifles  for  Mauser  repeaters. 

Another  point  is  worth  noting,  for,  though  it 
shows  a  strange  lack  of  discipline  in  the  Greek 
army,  it  says  something  for  the  warlike  eager- 
ness of  the  men.  Hundreds  of  soldiers  and 

[256] 


The  Greco-Turkish  War  —  1897 

some  of  the  officers  of  Dimopulos'  reserve  brig- 
ade left  their  position  behind  the  crest  of  the 
ridge  and  crowded  the  hilltops  to  watch  the  fight. 
It  was  the  fiercest  struggle  in  the  whole  cam- 
paign. Battalion  after  battalion  of  the  Adrian- 
ople  brigade  was  pushed  into  the  firing  line. 
They  came  on  gallantly,  reckless  of  the  heavy 
loss  they  were  suffering.  But  they,  too,  showed 
a  woful  lack  of  battle  training.  In  their  eager- 
ness, the  supports  fired  as  they  moved  up,  heed- 
less of  the  risk  of  hitting  their  comrades  in  the 
firing  line  in  front,  and  the  ill-aimed,  hurried  fire 
of  the  Mausers  did  comparatively  little  harm  to 
the  Greeks  in  the  trenches. 

It  was  now  late  in  the  afternoon.  The  Greeks 
might  so  far  claim  a  victory  on  the  main  battle- 
field, but  about  five  o'clock  disquieting  news 
reached  the  Crown  Prince  at  Domokos  from 
Colonel  Mastrapas'  flanking  detachments  in  the 
hills  to  the  eastward.  He  reported  that  he  was 
being  driven  back  by  an  overwhelming  force  of 
the  enemy,  and  he  asked  for  reinforcements. 
Colonel  Dimopulos'  brigade  was  now  divided. 
Part  of  it,  with  a  mountain  battery,  was  sent 
away  to  the  eastward  to  support  Mastrapas  —  all 
too  late  —  and  the  rest  of  the  brigade  was  used 
to  reinforce  the  troops  holding  the  trenches  be- 
fore Domokos. 

The  Turks  had  brought  all  their  reserve  bat- 

[257] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

teries  into  action.  Altogether  in  the  center  they 
had  seventy-two  guns  and  six  howitzers  at  work 
shelling  the  Greek  position.  Three  Greek  guns 
had  been  dismounted,  and  an  artillery  wagon 
had  blown  up  on  the  slope  near  the  citadel,  send- 
ing a  great  spurt  of  flame  and  smoke  high  over 
the  hilltops.  Several  of  the  batteries  concen- 
trated their  fire  on  the  nearest  and  lowest  of  the 
Greek  trenches.  The  rifle  fire  from  the  en- 
trenchment gradually  slackened,  and  at  last  it 
was  rushed  by  the  Adrianople  brigade.  Out  of 
thirty-five  hundred  men,  they  had  lost  nearly 
seven  hundred  in  the  advance.  A  little  later 
the  village  of  Velisiotae,  shattered  by  the  fire  of 
Hairi's  divisional  artillery,  was  evacuated  by  the 
Greeks,  but  they  held  the  hill  slopes  above  the 
place,  and  as  the  sun  set,  the  main  position  was 
everywhere  intact. 

Edhem  Pasha  and  his  staff  had  watched  the 
fight  from  a  knoll  near  the  Pharsala  road,  facing 
Domokos.  They  prepared  to  bivouac  for  the 
night  near  its  base,  but  before  anyone  could 
think  of  resting  there  was  much  to  be  done. 
The  Turkish  marshal  and  his  officers  were  not  a 
little  anxious  about  the  situation.  There  was 
no  news  whatever  from  the  two  divisions  in  the 
hills  to  the  left.  Arrangements  for  keeping  up 
communication  with  that  wing  by  signaling  had 
broken  down.  All  that  was  known  was  that  in 

[258] 


The  Greco-Turkish  War  —  1897 

every  lull  of  the  main  battle  the  wind  had  borne 
from  the  eastward  the  boom  of  Hamdi's  moun- 
tain guns.  He  had  been  fighting  till  nightfall, 
with  what  result  could  only  be  guessed,  but  it 
was  thought  that  if  he  had  been  completely  suc- 
cessful he  would  have  found  some  means  to  get 
the  news  through  to  the  headquarters'  staff  be- 
fore the  close  of  the  day.  Then  the  frontal  at- 
tack on  the  Domokos  position,  though  it  had 
been  more  vigorously  pressed  than  had  been 
originally  intended,  had  proved  on  the  whole  a 
costly  failure.  The  mere  outworks  of  the  posi- 
tion had  been  taken,  and  the  Greeks  might  try 
to  recover  them  in  the  night. 

Orders  were  given  to  the  troops  to  lose  no 
time  in  entrenching  themselves  on  the  ground 
they  occupied,  and  Hairi  was  directed  to  move 
one  of  his  brigades  nearer  to  the  main  road,  so 
as  to  be  in  position,  if  necessary,  to  support  the 
Adrianople  brigade  which  had  suffered  so 
severely,  anil  the  men  of  which  were  exhausted 
by  the  prolonged  fight  in  which  they  had  been 
so  hotly  engaged.  Soon  after  dark  there  was 
the  beginning  of  a  panic  in  the  Turkish  center. 
Some  of  the  horses  of  Riza's  reserve  batteries 
were  being  marched  to  the  rear  in  order  to  give 
them  water,  when  the  report  spread  that  a  re- 
treat had  been  ordered,  and  that  the  artillery 
was  already  moving  off.  It  was  with  difficulty 

[259] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

that  a  general  movement  back  towards  Pharsala 
was  prevented. 

About  eleven  o'clock  a  tired  horseman  rode 
in  from  the  eastward  with  a  despatch  from 
Hamdi  Pasha.  He  informed  Edhem  that  he 
had  driven  back  the  Greeks  and  had  bivouacked 
for  the  night  between  Karatsali  and  Virsi,  and 
that  Mamdhuk  was  in  line  with  him  farther 
eastward.  He  was  thus  in  a  position  to  come 
down  on  the  Greek  right  or  establish  himself  on 
their  right  rear  as  soon  as  next  day's  sunrise  gave 
him  light  to  advance.  This  news  put  an  end  to 
the  anxieties  of  the  Turkish  staff.  The  orders 
for  next  day  were  quickly  written.  Hamdi  was 
to  advance  against  the  Greek  right,  signaling 
the  moment  when  he  marched  off  by  a  salvo 
from  all  his  guns.  Memdhuk  was  to  swing 
round  towards  the  southeast  and  try  to  get  be- 
tween the  Greeks  and  the  Phurka  Pass,  or  at 
least  on  the  flank  of  their  line  of  retreat,  and 
within  striking  distance  of  it. 

The  frontal  attack  on  Domokos  was  to  be  re- 
sumed at  dawn  and  pushed  home  as  soon  as 
there  were  signs  that  Hamdi's  advance  over  the 
crest  of  the  ridge  was  producing  an  effect  on 
the  Greeks.  The  horseman  who  had  brought 
the  despatch  said  he  could  not  possibly  find  his 
way  back  through  the  hills  in  the  dark.  It  was 
by  good  luck  he  had  reached  the  headquarters, 

[260] 


The  Greco-Turkish  War- -1897 

so  difficult  was  the  country.  So  Colonel  Mah- 
mud  Bey,  who  had  led  the  charge  at  Velestino 
and  had  been  in  the  saddle  all  day  during  this 
battle  of  Domokos,  took  the  orders  and  rode 
away  to  Pharsala,  where  he  got  a  fresh  horse  and 
then  made  his  way  to  Hamdi's  headquarters. 
Just  before  sunrise  the  report  of  the  guns  in  the 
hills  told  Edhem  that  his  left  wing  had  received 
its  orders,  and  that  Hamdi's  division  was  march- 
ing off. 

But  as  the  sun  rose  it  was  seen  that  the 
Greek  entrenchments  were  empty;  the  town 
silent.  After  nightfall  the  evening  before,  the 
Crown  Prince  had  decided  that  with  the  Turks 
established  in  force  in  the  hills  on  his  right  the 
position  was  no  longer  tenable,  and  he  had  issued 
orders  for  a  general  retreat.  The  defenders  of 
the  main  position,  who  felt  that  they  had  won  a 
victory,  received  the  news  with  astonishment, 
and  there  was  much  talk  of  treachery  at  head- 
quarters and  of  a  betrayal  of  the  last  stronghold 
of  Thessaly  to  the  invader  as  the  price  of  peace. 
Such  a  view  of  the  situation  was  natural  enough, 
but  the  history  of  the  fight  shows  how  unjust  it 
was.  On  the  hills  of  Domokos  Prince  Constan- 
tine  had  made  a  brave  stand  and  saved  the  honor 
of  the  Greek  arms.  Outnumbered  and  outgen- 
eraled as  he  was,  he  could  do  no  more.  So  all 
night  long  in  the  bright  moonlight  the  Greek 

[261] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

army  and  a  crowd  of  fugitive  countryfolk 
streamed  over  the  Phurka  Pass.  It  was  just  a 
month  since  the  moonlight  night  that  had  seen 
the  first  fight  along  the  border  range  of  Northern 
Thessaly. 

The  battle  of  Domokos  ended  the  war.  Nakki 
Pasha  had  advanced  against  Smolenski  at  Hal- 
myros  on  the  morning  of  the  17th.  He  found 
the  village  held  only  by  a  Greek  rearguard, 
which  retired  after  a  brief  engagement.  Smo- 
lenski had  fallen  back  on  Platanos,  where  he 
was  strongly  entrenched,  but  in  the  night,  be- 
tween the  17th  and  18th,  he  received  orders  from 
the  Crown  Prince  to  conform  to  the  general  re- 
treat of  the  army  and  join  the  main  body  at 
Lamia.  The  Turks  had  pressed  closely  on  the 
Crown  Prince's  beaten  army  as  it  fell  back  over 
the  Phurka  Pass.  It  was  found  to  be  impossible 
to  make  a  stand  at  Lamia,  and  a  position  was 
therefore  taken  up  on  the  range  of  Mount  (Eta 
and  in  the  Pass  of  Thermopylae.  But  on  May 
19  news  arrived  that  an  armistice  had  been 
signed.  Under  the  terms  of  the  subsequent 
treaty  of  peace  Greece  paid  a  war  indemnity  to 
Turkey  and  ceded  to  the  Sultan  a  strip  of  terri- 
tory on  the  northern  frontier  that  gave  the  Turks 
command  of  all  the  passes  leading  into  Thessaly. 


[262] 


XII 

With   Kitchener  in   the 
Soudan,  1898 

By  A.  HILLIARD  ATTERIDGE 

IT  was  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  events 
which  led  to  the  death  of  General  Gordon 
in  the  Soudan  would  weaken  the  intention 
of  the  British  to  crush  the  power  of  the  Mahdi 
on  the  Upper  Nile.  Accordingly  in  1898  Sir 
Herbert  Kitchener  with  a  powerful  British  and 
Egyptian  force  set  out  to  make  his  way  to  Khar- 
toum and  Omdurman.  Every  step  of  the  way 
was  fiercely  contested  by  the  Mahdi  and  his  Der- 
vishes, but  the  onward  march  of  Kitchener  and 
his  forces  was  irresistible. 

He  had  timed  his  advance  so  as  to  arrive  be- 
fore Omdurman  when  the  moon  was  near  the 
full.  To  have  bright  nights  was  a  double  ad- 
vantage to  him.  It  enabled  some  of  the  march- 
ing to  be  done  in  the  cool  moonlight,  and  it 
minimized  the  danger  of  attacks  by  the  enemy. 

The  night  before  the  great  battle  was  clear 
and  bright,  and,  to  give  additional  security  to 
the  riverside  camp,  the  gunboats,  moored  close 
to  the  Nile  bank,  swept  its  flanks  and  front  with 
the  broad  white  beams  from  their  electric  search- 

[263] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

lights.  To  some  of  the  wild  tribesmen  in  the 
Dervish  bivouac  on  the  hills  it  must  have  seemed 
some  strange  magic,  this  lighting  up  of  the  desert 
with  the  giant  rays  of  dazzling  brightness.  And 
it  is  even  said  that  some  of  them  refused  to  re- 
main with  the  Khalifa's  standard,  declaring 
that  if  the  invaders  could  thus  control  the  sun- 
light, Allah  must  surely  be  with  them. 

Along  the  front  of  the  Sirdar's  camp  watchful 
sentinels  were  on  the  alert,  and  the  friendlies 
had  scouts  out  towards  the  Dervish  bivouacs, 
and  a  post  on  the  slope  of  Jebel  Surgham.  These 
friendly  scouts  had  been  warned  to  move  in 
couples  when  they  approached  the  sentry  line, 
and  the  sentinels  were  told  to  let  men  running 
back  two  and  two  pass  in  without  a  challenge. 
They  were  to  fire  on  any  large  body  and  chal- 
lenge men  approaching  singly.  During  the 
night  deserters  from  the  enemy  caused  some 
alarms.  Once  the  whole  of  the  British  second 
brigade  was  on  its  feet  for  a  few  minutes.  One 
of  the  deserters  who  arrived  was  an  Emir  with  a 
few  of  his  followers. 

Shortly  before  midnight  some  of  Colonel  Win- 
gate's  spies  got  back  from  the  Mahdist  lines  and 
brought  the  news  that  the  Khalifa  would  attack 
before  dawn,  if  not  earlier  in  the  night.  It  is 
certain,  however,  that,  whatever  may  have  been 
his  intentions,  he  sent  nothing  more  than  a  few 

[264] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --  1898 

scouts  towards  the  Anglo-Egyptian  camp  during 
the  hours  of  darkness.  One  reason  for  his  in- 
activity was  the  false  impression  conveyed  to 
him  of  the  Sirdar's  plans  by  some  friendlies  from 
the  neighborhood  of  Agaiga,  whom  Wingate  had 
sent  out  in  the  evening  with  orders  to  prowl 
round  the  Dervish  camp  and  spread  the  report 
that  the  Sirdar  was  going  to  repeat  the  tactics 
of  Ferkeh  and  the  Atbara,  marching  in  the  dark- 
ness and  attacking  in  the  gray  of  the  morning. 
Thus  the  Khalifa  was  induced  to  wait  during  the 
night  for  the  expected  attack.  It  was  only  when 
he  found  that  the  invaders  were  still  camped 
on  the  river-bank  at  dawn  that  he  moved  forward. 

So  there  was  a  quiet  night,  disturbed  only  by 
some  local  false  alarms  —  a  shot  or  two  fired  by 
sentries  at  what  they  took  to  be  moving  foes  in 
their  front,  and  one  volley  from  a  picket  just 
after  a  party  of  friendly  scouts  had  rushed  in, 
giving  the  impression  that  the  Dervishes  were 
coming.  Curiously  enough,  though  Dervish 
scouts  were  undoubtedly  prowling  in  the  front 
of  the  camp,  the  moving  searchlights  never 
actually  showed  any  of  them. 

A  little  after  half-past  three  (when  it  was  still 
dark,  and  with  nearly  two  hours  to  wait  for  the 
sunrise)  the  bugles  of  the  British  divisions  and 
drum  and  bugle  in  the  Egyptian  camp  sounded 
the  reveille,  and  the  men  rose  and  stood  where 

[265] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

they  had  slept,  in  battle  array.  Breakfasts  were 
hastily  got  ready  and  disposed  of.  Pack  ani- 
mals were  loaded  up  ready  to  move  off  when  the 
order  was  given  to  march,  for  at  that  moment 
the  general  idea  was  that  the  enemy  would  still 
give  battle  on  the  hilly  ground  between  the  camp 
and  Omdurman,  and  that  the  Anglo-Egyptian 
army  would  have  to  advance  and  attack  him. 
As  soon  as  the  dawn  began  to  whiten  the  sky 
away  across  the  Nile  the  cavalry  trotted  out  and 
made  for  the  hills,  to  see  what  the  Dervishes 
were  doing.  The  gunboats  had  steam  up,  and 
were  cleared  for  action,  ready  at  the  word  to 
slip  from  their  moorings  and  cover  the  flank  of 
the  army  as  it  marched  on  Omdurman. 

By  five  o'clock  the  whole  force  was  ready  to 
march,  but  before  breaking  up  the  line  and 
moving  to  the  attack  of  the  Dervishes  the  Sirdar 
waited  for  news  from  his  cavalry  scouts.  As 
they  pushed  into  the  hills  a  number  of  Dervish 
horsemen  retired  before  them  without  showing 
any  fight.  Major  Baring's  squadron  of  the 
Egyptian  cavalry  had  ridden  over  the  low  ridge 
that  forms  the  shoulder  of  Jebel  Surgham. 
Here  he  came  in  sight  of  the  Khalifa's  camp  and 
saw  at  once  signs  that  showed  him  the  enemy 
would  soon  be  on  the  move.  He  sent  in  his  re- 
port, and  then  the  headquarters  staff  suspended 
all  further  preparations  for  the  march,  and  the 

[266] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --  1898 

word  was  passed  that  the  enemy  would  soon 
come  on  to  the  attack  of  the  camp.  It  was  a 
piece  of  good  fortune  for  the  Anglo-Egyptian 
army.  They  would  be  able  to  meet  the  Dervish 
host  with  every  chance  in  their  favor  —  an  open 
field  of  fire  extending  for  nearly  three  thousand 
yards  to  their  front,  over  which  no  troops  in  the 
world  could  successfully  advance  in  the  face  of 
modern  weapons  and  civilized  discipline,  and 
with  their  flanks  resting  on  the  river  and  pro- 
tected by  the  quick-firing  guns  of  the  flotilla. 
The  Khalifa  was  throwing  away  every  chance  by 
attacking  the  British  troops  while  they  were  still 
in  their  camp.  Even  if  he  had  waited  till  they 
were  on  the  move,  he  might  have  met  them  in 
the  broken  ground  between  Kerreri  and  Om- 
durman  on  less  hopelessly  disadvantageous 
terms. 

At  a  quarter  past  six  it  was  seen  that  the  cav- 
alry were  retiring.  A  last  message  had  come  in 
from  Jebel  Surgham.  "An  enormous  force  of 
the  enemy  is  advancing  to  the  attack,"  it  said, 
"drumming  and  shouting  as  they  come."  How 
steadily  the  mounted  troops  retired,  trotting 
back  towards  the  camp  with  evenly  dressed  lines 
as  if  they  were  riding  in  from  an  early  morning 
drill  in  the  desert !  Over  the  ridges  behind  them 
there  came  a  long,  white  line.  It  was  the  front 
of  the  first  great  column  of  Dervish  infantry. 

[267] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

The  men  wore  the  white  jibba,  ornamented  with 
divers  colored  patches  —  the  Dervish  uniform. 
Over  their  heads  fluttered  the  brightly  colored 
pennons  of  their  emirs.  Even  before  they  came 
in  sight  many  in  the  camp  had  heard,  like  the 
noise  of  the  sea,  the  confused  roar  made  by  hun- 
dreds of  war-drums  and  the  mingled  shouts  of 
thousands  of  fanatic  warriors,  marching,  as  they 
fondly  dreamed,  to  victory,  under  the  eye  of  the 
Khalifa  himself,  for  soon  his  black  banner 
showed  in  the  midst  of  the  advancing  tide  of 
armed  men. 

Here  and  there  the  foremost  Dervishes  fired  a 
few  shots  at  the  retiring  cavalry.  The  Lancers 
rode  into  the  left  of  the  camp  and  formed  up 
between  the  British  division  and  the  river;  the 
Egyptian  squadrons,  moving  rapidly  across  the 
front  of  the  camp,  rejoined  the  main  body  of 
Broad  wood's  cavalry  away  to  the  north  of  the 
battle  line. 

The  gunboats  had  steamed  up  the  river  and 
had  joined  Major  Elmslie's  battery  in  the  re- 
newed bombardment  of  Omdurman.  Now  that 
the  enemy's  army  was  in  sight,  they  were  recalled 
to  assist  in  repelling  his  attack.  The  cavalry 
reports  showed  that  the  Khalifa's  first  line  was 
formed  of  five  great  masses  of  rifle  and  spear- 
men. From  left  to  right  it  was  between  two 
and  three  miles  long.  In  the  rear  of  it  there 

[268] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --  1898 

was  a  second  line,  of  much  less  strength,  escort- 
ing a  mass  of  camels  and  donkeys  laden  with 
supplies.  Cavalry  were  riding  on  the  flanks, 
and  here  and  there  in  the  intervals  of  the  great 
moving  mass  of  infantry,  but  the  Dervishes  had 
only  brought  out  with  them  three  Krupp  guns 
and  one  of  the  old  Nordenfeldts.  These  were 
in  their  right  center. 

Topping  the  ridges  in  front,  the  great  moving 
multitude  of  Dervish  warriors  poured  out  upon 
the  sandy  plain  in  front  of  the  Sirdar's  line. 
Some  of  the  leading  Mahdists  were  firing  as  they 
marched,  but  the  range  —  nearly  two  miles  — 
was  far  beyond  the  farthest  limit  of  what  the 
Remington  rifle  could  do,  even  with  better  am- 
munition than  the  cartridges  made  in  Omdur- 
man  arsenal.  Shouting  and  drumming,  the 
main  mass  moved  on  without  firing  a  shot. 
Their  right  climbed  over  the  Jebel  Surgham 
height,  and  from  that  point  to  the  Kerreri  Hills 
the  whole  plain  was  filling  with  horse  and  foot, 
rifles,  and  spears,  and  waving  banners,  while  the 
drum  and  war-horn  raised  a  deafening  din. 

A  staff  officer  spurred  away  from  the  Sirdar's 
side  to  the  British  left,  where  Major  Williams's 
gunners  of  the  Royal  Artillery  were  waiting 
ready  beside  their  long  fifteen-pounders.  He 
brought  the  order  to  open  fire.  Precisely  at 
6.40  the  first  gun  aimed  at  the  Dervish  right  and 

[269] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

loaded  with  shrapnel  boomed  out,  and  the  shell 
burst  fairly  in  the  air,  just  in  front  of  the  enemy's 
line,  rolling  over  a  good  score  of  the  foremost  in 
the  attack.  Then  the  other  guns  and  the  Egyp- 
tian batteries  joined  in,  and  all  along  the  Der- 
vish front  the  bursting  shells  tore  gaps  in  their 
ranks,  gaps  that  were  filled  as  soon  as  they 
were  made. 

Through  the  field-glass  those  who  watched 
the  bursting  shells  saw  that  many  even  of  the 
wounded  Dervishes  sprang  up  and  regained 
their  place  in  the  front.  A  few  minutes  more, 
and  another  galloper  carried  the  order  to  the 
Grenadier  Guards  to  open  fire  with  volleys  from 
their  long-ranging  Lee-Metfords  at  twenty-seven 
hundred  yards,  the  extreme  distance  for  which 
the  rifle  is  sighted.  The  Guardsmen  standing 
close  to  the  zareba  hedge  opened  fire  with  vol- 
leys by  sections,  and  the  other  regiments  of 
Gatacre's  division  carried  on  the  firing  away  to 
the  left.  In  the  huge  moving  mass  in  front  of 
them  they  had  a  target  against  which  even  at 
such  a  distance  the  volleys  could  hardly  fail  to 
be  effective.  In  the  center  and  on  the  right  the 
Soudanese  and  Egyptian  battalions  were  still 
silently  watching  the  enemy's  advance,  lying 
down  in  their  shelter  trenches,  for  the  range  was 
far  too  great  for  their  Martinis. 

Under  the  rain  of  bursting  shells  and  Maxim 

[270] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --  1898 

and  Lee-Metford  bullets  the  Dervishes  were  still 
coming  steadily  on.  The  quick-firing  guns  of 
the  flotilla  had  now  been  brought  to  bear  on 
them,  but  there  was  no  check  in  their  advance; 
and  now  Maxwell's,  Lewis's,  and  MacDonald's 
brigades  added  some  thousands  of  rifles  to  the 
storm  of  fire  that  was  pouring  from  all  the  curv- 
ing front  of  the  camp.  The  Dervishes  were  re- 
plying, and  the  front  of  their  advance  was  white 
with  drifting  smoke.  They  had  got  their  Krupp 
guns  into  action  on  the  shoulder  of  Jebel  Surg- 
ham,  but  the  shells  burst  some  hundred  of  yards 
short,  well  out  in  front  of  the  British  division, 
giving  at  first  the  impression  that  some  of  the 
gunboats  on  the  river  were  making  bad  practice. 
At  this  stage  of  the  attack  the  losses  of  the  Der- 
vishes must  have  been  enormous.  They  were 
falling  literally  by  hundreds;  but  still  they  came 
on,  their  front  line  torn  by  bullet  and  shell,  being 
within  eight  hundred  yards  of  the  camp.  "I 
am  sorry  for  those  brave  men!"  exclaimed  Count 
Calderari,  the  Italian  attache,  as  sitting  on  his 
horse  beside  the  Sirdar  he  watched  the  Khalifa's 
spearmen  thus  recklessly  rushing  to  destruction. 
The  left  attack,  directed  by  the  Khalifa's  son 
Osman,  known  as  the  Sheikh-ed-Din,  or  "  Chief 
of  the  Faith,"  poured  over  the  slopes  of  the  Ker- 
reri  Hills,  its  objective  being  the  right  of  the 
Sirdar's  line.  But  it  came  in  contact  with  the 

[271] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

mass  of  the  mounted  troops,  which,  to  avoid 
being  crushed  by  the  mere  weight  of  superior 
numbers,  were  retiring  northward  along  the 
Nile  bank.  At  first  Broadwood  moved  his 
squadrons  slowly,  bringing  Major  Young's  horse 
battery  into  action  against  the  Dervishes  and 
harassing  them  with  the  carbine  fire  of  his  dis- 
mounted troopers.  His  object  was  thus  to  cover 
the  retirement  of  Tud way's  camel  corps.  But 
his  small  force  was  so  hard  pressed  by  the  thou- 
sands of  Dervishes  who  pressed  forward,  firing 
heavily  as  they  came,  that  he  had  at  last  to  leave 
the  camel  corps,  who  sought  the  protection  of 
the  gunboats  on  the  river-bank. 

Screened  by  the  spur  of  the  hills  that  runs 
towards  the  river  near  Kerreri  from  any  fire 
from  the  camp,  the  Dervish  column  had  pushed 
in  between  the  mounted  troops  and  the  Sirdar's 
army.  They  poured  such  a  heavy  rifle  fire  into 
the  battery  that  numbers  of  the  horses  were 
killed  or  maimed,  and  it  was  impossible  to  fully 
horse  more  than  four  of  the  guns.  The  other 
two  were  temporarily  abandoned,  the  gunners 
carrying  off  with  them  the  breech  blocks  and 
other  gear,  so  that  the  pieces  were  useless  to  the 
enemy.  Caught  between  the  river  and  the  over- 
whelming mass  of  Dervishes,  separated  from 
the  camp  on  the  one  hand  and  the  cavalry  on 
the  other,  the  camel  corps  were  for  the  moment 

[272] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --  1898 

in  dire  straits.  About  sixty  of  them  had  al- 
ready fallen,  killed  or  badly  wounded,  when 
rescue  arrived,  the  Melik  and  two  other  gun- 
boats steaming  up  to  close  quarters  and  sending 
a  shower  of  bursting  shells  from  their  quick- 
firers  and  a  hail  of  bullets  from  their  Maxims 
into  the  Mahdist  ranks.  Osman  withdrew  his 
force  from  the  neighborhood  of  the  river,  leaving 
great  heaps  of  dead  to  mark  the  spot  where  he 
had  been  caught  by  the  gunboats.  The  camel 
corps,  marching  along  the  Nile  bank  under  the 
protection  of  the  flotilla,  rode  into  the  north  end 
of  the  camp  and  formed  up  behind  the  right 
flank  of  MacDonald's  brigade. 

While  this  was  happening,  Colonel  Broad- 
wood,  with  the  cavalry  and  the  four  guns  of  the 
horse  battery,  had  got  safely  away  to  the  north- 
ward, fighting  all  the  while  with  a  mass  of  Der- 
vishes, part  of  Osman's  force.  The  guns  were 
more  than  once  brought  into  action;  the  cavalry 
acted  sometimes  with  carbine  fire  dismounted, 
sometimes  charged  the  overdaring  Dervish  horse 
that  ventured  to  press  them  too  closely.  Soon 
the  pressure  on  his  force  diminished  as  the  main 
body  of  the  pursuers  fell  back.  Then  he  turned, 
and  marching  along  the  Nile,  worked  his  way 
back  towards  the  main  battlefield.  His  troopers 
had  behaved  splendidly.  They  had  followed 
their  officers  as  readily  as  if  they  had  been  en- 

[273] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

gaged  in  a  field  day,  instead  of  in  a  fight  on  diffi- 
cult ground,  with  an  overwhelming  force  of  des- 
perately daring  enemies.  There  were  many 
individual  deeds  of  heroism  performed  by  the 
Egyptian  troopers  in  helping  officers  and  men 
who  had  been  wounded,  or  whose  horses  had 
been  killed.  Broadwood's  fight  had  a  useful 
result  on  the  general  fortunes  of  the  day,  for  at  a 
critical  moment  it  had  diverted  at  least  ten  thou- 
sand of  the  Khalifa's  best  troops  from  the  attack 
on  the  camp. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  what  was  being  done  on 
the  main  battlefield.  When  the  Dervish  right 
and  center  attacks  had  advanced  to  about  eight 
hundred  yards,  their  fire  began  to  take  effect 
here  and  there  in  the  ranks  of  the  Sirdar's  army, 
the  mass  of  riflemen  on  Jebel  Surgham,  who  fired 
over  the  heads  of  the  advancing  spearmen  and 
cavalry,  doing  the  most  damage.  The  first  man 
hit  was  Corporal  Mackenzie,  of  the  Seaforth 
Highlanders,  wounded  in  the  leg  by  a  ricochet- 
ting  bullet.  He  had  the  wound  dressed,  and 
promptly  returned  to  his  place  in  the  firing  line. 
The  next  casualty  was  in  the  Lincolns,  a  soldier 
being  shot  dead  as  he  fired  his  rifle.  The  zareba 
hedge  in  front  of  the  British  part  of  the  line  was 
never  of  any  real  use  during  the  battle,  for  the 
Dervishes  never  got  near  enough  for  it  to  serve 
as  an  obstacle.  It  is  essentially  a  defence  for  a 

[274] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  —  1898 

bivouac  at  night,  and  on  this  occasion  it  would 
have  been  better  if  it  had  been  pulled  away  in 
the  early  morning.  It  was  so  high  that  the  men 
had  often  to  stand  to  fire  over  it,  thus  making 
the  aim  less  steady  and  exposing  the  soldiers 
more  completely,  for  a  zareba  does  not  stop  bul- 
lets. The  Soudanese  and  Egyptian  regiments 
were  much  better  off  in  their  shelter  trenches. 
Shallow  as  they  were,  they  afforded  good  cover 
to  a  kneeling  line  and  very  complete  protection 
to  men  lying  down,  and  both  positions  mean  a 
steadier  aim  for  the  firing  line. 

For  five  or  ten  minutes  the  Dervish  fire  was 
heavy.  There  are  said  to  have  been  at  least  ten 
thousand  riflemen  engaged  in  this  first  on- 
slaught upon  the  camp,  and  the  marvel  is  that 
they  did  so  little  damage.  For  the  Dervish  cav- 
alry and  spearmen  there  was  no  hope  but  in 
getting  to  close  quarters  with  the  defenders  of 
the  camp,  and  they  pressed  on  recklessly,  wave 
upon  wave,  mostly  to  fall  as  they  came  up  to  the 
deadly  five  hundred  yards'  range,  or  to  limp 
back  disabled  by  Metford  or  Martini  bullet. 
But  the  riflemen  found  some  little  shelter  here 
and  there  behind  the  undulations  of  the  desert 
ground,  and  lying  down  they  kept  up  a  sharp 
fire  in  comparative  security.  Some,  of  them 
established  themselves  within  four  hundred 
yards  of  the  British  zareba  hedge,  and  at  that 

[275] 


range  their  Remingtons  were  effective  enough. 
There  were  some  fifty  or  sixty  casualties  in  the 
British  portion  of  the  line  alone. 

But  these  were  hardly  noticed,  for  the  atten- 
tion of  all  in  the  camp  was  riveted  on  the  terrible 
spectacle  of  the  Dervishes  marching  bravely  on 
through  the  storm  of  fire  that  blazed  and  roared 
from  the  long  front  of  the  camp.  The  guns  on 
the  left  and  the  Maxims  had  been  run  out  till 
they  formed  almost  a  right  angle  with  the  south 
side  of  the  zareba,  so  as  to  get  them  to  bear  better 
on  the  enemy's  attack.  For  half  an  hour 
through  the  hail  of  bullet  and  shell  the  Dervishes 
came  on.  Led  by  their  mounted  Emirs,  they 
moved  forward  till  they  fell,  and  then  others  ap- 
peared, coming  on  to  take  their  places  in  the 
front. 

It  was  noticed  that  many  even  of  their  rifle- 
men were  so  intent  on  pressing  forward  that 
they  never  stopped  to  fire,  but  bounded  onwards 
among  the  spearmen,  brandishing  their  Rem- 
ingtons over  their  heads.  Few  got  as  far  as  four 
hundred  yards  from  the  British  front.  The 
man  who  fell  nearest  the  line  of  the  British  divi- 
sion was  a  splendidly  built  young  Arab,  who 
rushed  forward  with  his  broad-bladed  spear  at 
the  charge  till  a  bullet  brought  him  down  just 
two  hundred  yards  from  the  zareba.  In  front 
of  Maxwell's  brigade  an  old  white-bearded  man, 

[276] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --1898 

bearing  a  flag  and  accompanied  by  five  spear- 
men, dashed  out  from  the  rest  of  the  Dervishes. 
One  by  one  his  comrades  fell,  but  he  seemed  to 
have  a  charmed  life,  till  about  two  hundred  and 
fifty  yards  from  the  Fourteenth  Soudanese  he 
dropped,  still  grasping  his  banner.  The  Khali- 
fa's black  standard,  a  flag  about  six  feet  square, 
flying  from  a  long  bamboo  lance  ornamented 
with  silver,  was  in  the  front  of  the  array  that 
bore  down  upon  Maxwell's  brigade.  Naturally 
the  black  standard  attracted  a  heavy  fire,  and 
through  the  field-glasses  man  after  man  was 
seen  to  fall  while  carrying  it.  But  it  was  hardly 
down  when  it  was  flying  again  in  the  hands  of 
another  warrior.  The  Dervishes  seemed  to 
consider  it  an  honor  thus  to  court  death  under 
their  chieftain's  standard.  At  one  time  it  was 
in  the  hands  of  a  gigantic  negro.  He  stood  like 
a  statue,  holding  and  partly  leaning  against  the 
long  bamboo  shaft  which  he  had  fixed  in  the 
sand.  Five  minutes  passed,  and  still  he  stood 
unwounded;  after  nearly  five  minutes  more  he 
fell,  and  another  hand  at  once  grasped  the  fatal 
banner  and  held  it  up  as  proudly  as  before. 

So  heavy  was  the  fire  from  the  British  front 
that  the  rifles  rapidly  became  too  hot  to  hold. 
They  were  carried  by  the  leather  slings  back  to 
the  companies  waiting  in  reserve  behind  the 
firing  line,  who  handed  their  still  cool  weapons 

[277] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

to  their  comrades  standing  at  the  hedge.  Oc- 
casionally the  reserve  men  were  themselves  called 
up  to  fire,  while  the  men  who  had  already 
been  in  action  rested  and  refilled  their  cartridge 
pouches.  By  half-past  seven  the  fury  of  the 
Dervish  onset  began  to  visibly  diminish.  Thou- 
sands of  their  bravest  had  fallen.  They  were 
beginning  to  realize  that  it  was  impossible  to  get 
beyond  the  limit  of  between  five  and  six  hundred 
yards  from  the  Anglo-Egyptian  front.  There 
for  full  a  mile  along  the  desert  lay  the  dead  and 
dying,  piled  up  in  heaps  or  stretched  in  ghastly 
rows,  like  the  line  of  wreckage  and  debris  that 
marks  the  limit  of  the  tides  on  a  beach  after  a 
storm.  Few  had  passed  that  deadly  boundary, 
and  all  of  even  these  few  had  fallen  here  and 
there  on  the  level  space  beyond. 

A  last  effort  was  made  in  the  center  against 
the  Egyptian  front,  even  after  the  Mahdists  had 
given  up  the  attack  on  the  British  and  were  fall- 
ing back  along  the  death-strewn  slopes  of  Jebel 
Surgham.  This  attack,  too,  gradually  flickered 
and  went  out  in  a  patter  of  musketry  from  the 
Jehadia,  who  had  found  cover  here  and  there 
along  the  front.  Towards  eight  o'clock  the  rifle 
fire  from  the  Sirdar's  line  had  all  but  ceased. 
The  guns  were  still  booming  as  the  batteries  and 
the  gun-boats  shelled  the  hills  over  which  the 
Dervishes  were  withdrawing,  or  shot  to  dislodge 

[278] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --  1898 

the  enemy's  riflemen  from  the  hollows,  whence 
they  still  kept  up  a  dropping  fire.  There  was  a 
sense  of  elation  at  the  idea  that  the  great  battle 
was  won  and  the  way  to  Omdurman  open.  But 
there  was  still  a  lot  of  hard  fighting  before  the 
Sirdar's  army.  The  repulse  of  the  Dervish  on- 
slaught proved  to  be  only  the  first  phase  in  the 
struggle,  and  many  a  brave  Me  on  both  sides 
was  yet  to  be  sacrificed  as  part  of  the  price  of 
victory. 

By  half-past  eight  it  looked  as  if  the  battle 
were  over.  The  enemy  had  drawn  back  over  the 
slopes  of  the  Kerreri  Hills  on  one  side  and  of 
Jebel  Surgham  on  the  other.  All  that  was  to 
be  seen  of  the  Dervish  army  was  the  wreckage 
of  the  attack,  the  thousands  of  dead  and 
wounded  strewing  the  desert,  their  jibbas  whiten- 
ing the  ground  over  a  space  two  miles  long  and 
at  least  half  a  mile  wide.  The  British  and 
Egyptian  wounded  were  transferred  from  the 
field  hospital  to  the  awning-covered  barges  on 
the  river.  Cartridge  pouches  and  the  limber 
boxes  of  the  artillery  were  refilled  from  the  re- 
serve ammunition,  and  the  order  was  given  to 
prepare  the  march.  The  Sirdar  had  deter- 
mined to  push  on  at  once  for  Omdurman,  about 
five  miles  distant,  so  as  to  reach  it  before  the  de- 
feated Dervishes  could  rally  for  its  defence. 

Passing  round  to  the  southeast  of  the  hill,  the 

[279] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

Lancers  saw  a  number  of  scattered  Dervishes 
retiring  landward.  Some  of  these  halted  to  take 
a  parting  shot  at  them,  but  no  one  was  hit  by 
this  random  firing.  About  half  a  mile  south  of 
the  ridge,  the  scouts  who  were  out  in  front  gal- 
loped back  and  reported  that  some  of  the  enemy, 
about  two  hundred,  were  hiding  in  a  hollow  that 
ran  down  to  the  river.  Beyond  the  hollow 
could  be  seen  some  thirty  Dervish  horsemen. 
The  impression  conveyed  by  this  report,  and  by 
what  could  be  seen  from  the  ground  the  regiment 
occupied,  was  that  a  small  party  of  the  enemy 
who  had  taken  part  in  the  attack  on  the  camp 
and  were  demoralized  by  the  failure  were  wait- 
ing for  a  chance  to  escape. 

Mr.  Frederic  Villiers,  who  saw  the  battle  from 
the  upper  deck  of  the  gunboat  Melik,  says  that 
the  Dervishes  at  this  point  had  not  as  yet  taken 
any  share  in  the  fight.  "Since  the  beginning  of 
the  battle,"  he  writes,  "I  had  noticed  about 
fifteen  hundred  Dervish  rifle  and  swordsmen 
lying  perdu  in  a  depression  of  the  ground,  who 
had  not  as  yet  been  in  action."  The  Emir 
Mahmoud,  when  he  heard  the  story  of  the 
Lancers  charge  in  his  prison  at  Haifa,  said  it 
was  an  old  stratagem  of  Soudanese  warfare  to 
thus  hide  away  a  body  of  men  in  a  khor  and 
lure  an  enemy  to  the  attack  by  showing  a  few 

[280] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  —  1898 

more  on  its  edges  or  beyond  it.  In  this  instance, 
however,  it  is  very  likely  that  the  Lancers  would 
have  charged  even  if  they  had  known  from  the 
first  the  numbers  and  position  of  the  Dervish 
detachment.  They  had  ridden  out  looking  for 
something  to  charge,  and  they  took  the  first  op- 
portunity that  offered. 

Colonel  Martin  decided  to  get  between  the 
enemy  and  their  line  of  retreat  landwards,  so 
the  Lancers  moved  to  the  westward  of  the  hol- 
low and  formed  up  in  line. 

Though  the  charge  had  little  of  "the  pomp 
and  circumstance  of  war,"  it  was  an  exploit 
which,  so  far  as  the  hard  fighting  went,  any 
cavalry  in  the  world  might  be  proud  of.  There 
is  no  need  to  discuss  here  the  question  whether 
there  was  any  real  reason  for  the  exploit  to  be 
performed,  looking  at  the  matter  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  military  critic.  Probably  the  enemy 
could  have  been  turned  out  of  their  sheltering 
hollow  at  the  cost  of  a  few  shells  from  the  artil- 
lery or  the  gunboats,  and  the  one  British  cavalry 
regiment  on  the  ground  kept  intact  for  the  pur- 
suit. But  such  reasonings  after  the  event,  even 
if  they  are  well  founded,  imply  no  discredit  to 
the  soldier  in  the  field,  who,  with  only  a  moment 
in  which  to  decide,  takes  the  bolder  course. 
And  the  cavalry  leader  is,  above  all  others,  apt, 

[281] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

when  he  sees  his  enemy  before  him,  to  reason 
like  the  poet's  hero  — 

"  There  may  be  rules.     For  me,  I  know  but  one, 
To  dash  upon  my  enemy  and  win." 

So  the  trumpets  sounded  the  welcome  notes 
that  sent  the  Lancers  forward  to  their  first 
charge.  As  they  neared  the  hollow  a  sputter 
of  rifle-fire  began  from  its  edge.  A  few  troopers 
dropped,  one  or  two  horses  fell.  Three  hun- 
dred yards  from  the  enemy  the  men  could  see 
that  the  scouts  had  made  a  mistake,  and  that 
there  was  no  mere  handful  of  beaten  Dervishes 
in  their  front,  but  a  dense  crowd  of  rifle  and 
spearmen,  full  of  fight,  packed  together  in  the 
shelter  of  the  rocky  khor.  But  even  if  there 
was  any  thought  of  a  counter-order  it  was  now 
too  late  to  stop  the  charge,  and  Colonel  Martin, 
riding  the  foremost,  with  his  sword  in  its  sheath, 
ready  to  use  the  impetus  and  weight  of  his 
charger  as  his  best  weapon,  rode  straight  for  the 
center  of  the  enemy,  where  the  broad  Soudan 
spears  bristled  most  thickly. 

A  minute  more  and  the  Lancers  were  into  the 
mass  of  the  Dervish  infantry,  dashing  through  a 
storm  of  bullets  and  leaping  down  a  three-foot 
drop  into  the  hollow.  And  though  the  enemy 
stood  in  places  twenty  deep,  in  one  minute  more 
these  gallant  horsemen  were  through  them. 

[282] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  —  1898 

Three  hundred  and  twenty  troopers  had  ridden 
over  and  through  at  least  fifteen  hundred  foe- 
men.  But  into  those  brief  moments  there  were 
crowded  hundreds  of  deeds  of  reckless  daring 
and  devoted  heroism. 

The  two  center  squadrons,  striking  the  Der- 
vish line  where  the  crowd  was  thickest,  suffered 
the  most  severely.  Several  of  the  horses  struck 
by  the  bullets  had  held  on  till  the  check  came  as 
they  struck  the  Dervish  line.  Then  they  fell, 
and  it  fared  badly  with  their  riders.  Other 
horses  were  brought  down  by  spear  thrusts  and 
hamstringing  cuts  with  sword  and  knife;  for  the 
enemy  showed  no  fear  of  the  cavalry,  and  stood 
up  pluckily  to  the  charge. 

Lieutenant  Molyneux,  of  the  Blues,  one  of 
the  officers  attached  to  the  Lancers,  lost  his 
mount  just  before  reaching  the  hollow,  the  horse 
dropping  dead,  pierced  by  a  bullet.  The  lieu- 
tenant ran  on  into  the  melee  on  foot,  revolver  in 
hand.  Two  Dervishes  attacked  him.  He  shot 
one,  but  as  he  did  so  the  other  brought  down 
his  long  sword  on  the  officer's  right  arm,  gash- 
ing it  badly  and  making  him  drop  his  pistol. 
He  thus  found  himself  unarmed  in  the  midst  of 
the  enemy.  He  turned  and  ran,  pursued  by  the 
swordsman,  and  luckily  got  up  the  farther  slope 
just  as  the  Lancers  rallied  and  faced  the  Der- 
vishes again,  after  riding  through  them.  A  cor- 

[283] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

poral  came  out  from  the  ranks,  gave  Molyneux 
his  stirrup  leather,  and  brought  him  safely  in. 

Surgeon-Major  Pinches,  whose  horse  had  been 
shot  under  him,  was  saved  by  Sergeant-Major 
Brennan,  who,  after  cutting  down  several  of  his 
assailants,  got  the  Major  behind  him  on  his  horse 
and  rode  out  of  the  press.  Lieutenant  Robert 
Grenfell,  who  was  leading  one  of  the  troops  in 
the  center,  was  thrown  by  his  wounded  horse, 
but  made  a  desperate  fight  on  foot.  He  fired 
every  shot  in  his  revolver,  and  when  last  seen 
alive  was  facing  several  spearmen,  sword  in 
hand. 

Several  lances  broke  in  the  charge,  and  some 
of  the  swords  failed  at  a  critical  moment.  Lieu- 
tenant Wormald's  sword  bent  as  he  struck  at  an 
emir  with  whom  he  was  engaged  in  single  fight; 
but  he  stunned  him  with  a  blow  of  the  crooked 
blade.  Captain  Fair's  sword  snapped  on  the 
linked  coat  of  mail  of  another  of  the  enemy's 
leaders,  and  he  dashed  the  hilt  into  the  face  of 
the  Dervish.  Altogether,  in  less  than  two  min- 
utes, twenty-two  of  the  Lancers  were  killed  and 
more  than  fifty  severely  wounded.  Of  the  horses, 
one  hundred  and  nineteen  were  killed,  many 
of  them  just  struggling  out  of  the  hollow  and 
falling  dead  as  the  regiment  rallied  close  to  the 
enemy. 

It  was  during  this  rally  that  some  of  the  brav- 

[284] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  —  1898 

est  deeds  were  done,  individual  officers  riding 
back  to  bring  off  wounded  or  dismounted  com- 
rades. Major  Wyndham  had  lost  his  horse,  and 
was  trying  to  mount  behind  Lieutenant  Smith, 
who  had  turned  back  to  help  him.  He  had 
failed  in  two  attempts,  when  he  was  lifted  up  by 
Captain  Kenna,  who  came  riding  back,  accom- 
panied by  Lieutenant  de  Montmorency  and  Cor- 
poral Swarbrick,  all  bent  on  saving  young  Gren- 
fell  if  he  still  lived,  and,  if  not,  carrying  off  his 
body.  Grenfell  was  lying  on  the  nearer  slope  of 
the  hollow,  and  a  number  of  Dervishes  were 
hacking  at  him  with  their  swords.  Kenna  and 
his  comrades  drove  them  off  with  their  pistols, 
and  while  the  corporal  held  two  of  the  horses, 
the  two  officers  tried  to  lift  Grenfell's  body  on  to 
the  third.  The  lieutenant  was  quite  dead,  bleed- 
ing from  more  than  a  dozen  wounds.  As  they 
placed  the  body  across  the  saddle  the  horse 
shied  and  bolted,  throwing  it  to  the  ground. 
The  three  would-be  rescuers  had  then  to  retire, 
keeping  off  the  pursuing  Dervishes  with  their 
revolvers. 

Hardly  a  man  or  horse  In  the  four  squadrons 
had  escaped  without  some  injury,  uniforms  and 
saddlery  were  cut  and  torn,  and  in  every  troop 
horses  and  men  were  bleeding  from  wounds, 
mostly  slight,  but  in  many  cases  serious,  for  the 
brave  fellows  were  trying  to  keep  their  places 

[285] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

in  the  ranks,  and  afraid  only  of  being  ordered 
to  fall  out.  Sergeant  Veysey,  with  the  blood 
running  down  his  face,  called  to  his  troop  to  re- 
form for  another  charge.  Another  of  the 
wounded  Lancers,  Trooper  Byrne,  who  had  re- 
ceived a  sword  cut  and  a  bullet,  on  being  told 
to  fall  out  and  go  to  the  surgeon,  replied,  "  Oh, 
sir,  do  let  me  stay  and  have  another  go  at  them!" 
Lieutenant  Brinton,  of  the  Life  Guards,  with 
his  left  shoulder  cut  open,  took  his  place  at  the 
head  of  his  troop  as  if  he  were  unwounded. 

Officers  and  men  were  eager  to  charge  back 
through  the  enemy,  but  Colonel  Martin  wisely 
decided  that  enough  had  been  done.  Another 
charge  would  have  meant  the  destruction  of  the 
regiment.  He  dismounted  a  number  of  troop- 
ers and  opened  fire  with  carbines  on  the  Der- 
vishes, who,  after  firing  a  few  shots  in  reply, 
tried  to  retreat  towards  the  hills  from  the  hollow 
which  no  longer  protected  them.  As  they  did 
so  they  were  forced  to  cross  the  front  of  the 
British  division.  The  guns  of  the  Thirty-second 
Battery  unlimbered  and  poured  shrapnel  into 
them.  The  infantry  gave  them  volley  after 
volley,  and  only  a  small  number  of  them  reached 
the  shelter  of  the  hills. 

Sixty  dead  Dervishes  were  found  in  the  hol- 
low, so  that,  even  supposing  a  number  of 
wounded  men  got  away  from  it  when  they  re- 

[286] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  —  1898 

tired,  their  loss  in  the  charge  was  comparatively 
slight.  Several  hundred  were  killed  as  they 
crossed  the  plain.  Lieutenant  Grenfell's  body 
was  recovered  as  soon  as  the  enemy  began  to 
retreat.  It  was  gashed  and  stabbed  in  many 
places,  and  one  spear  thrust  had  smashed  his 
watch,  which  had  stopped  at  9.40.  His  brother 
was  acting  as  staff  officer  to  General  Lyttelton, 
and  heard  of  his  death  a  few  minutes  after. 
When  the  battle  ended  he  buried  the  body  under 
a  tree,  not  far  from  the  deadly  hollow.  He  dug 
the  grave  himself,  assisted  by  four  of  his  com- 
rades. 

And  here,  before  going  on  to  the  closing  epi- 
sode of  the  battle,  I  may  note  an  incident  con- 
nected with  the  Lancers'  charge  as  related  by 
Mr.  Villiers : 

"On  steaming  past  the  extreme  left  flank  of 
the  Kerreri  position,"  he  says,  "we  halted  for  a 
moment  to  take  on  board  another  wounded 
trooper,  and  here  I  saw  a  pathetic  sight.  Some 
troopers  of  the  Twenty-first  Lancers,  who  had 
remained  behind  to  bury  their  heroic  comrades 
who  had  fallen  .in  that  famous  dare-devil  charge, 
had  come  down  to  the  shore  for  water,  leading 
two  badly  wounded  chargers.  One  was  that 
of  poor  Lieutenant  Grenfell,  which  had  stum- 
bled and  thrown  his  rider.  The  poor  brute  was 
fearfully  slashed  about  his  withers  and  flanks, 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

which  were  masses  of  raw  flesh.  The  other 
charger  was  also  badly  hurt.  They  were  both 
able,  however,  to  take  a  long  drink  from  the 
river,  when  they  were  taken  up  the  bank  and 
shot.  The  action  of  the  trooper  —  who  evi- 
dently owned  the  horse  —  was  very  pathetic. 
He  stood  with  his  revolver  cocked  for  several 
moments,  evidently  reluctant  to  raise  it  to  his 
charger's  head,  the  poor  beast  the  while  sniffing 
at  his  hand  and  rubbing  his  nose  against  his 
sleeve.  I  could  see  that  the  man  was  trembling 
with  emotion.  Twice  did  he  raise  the  revolver 
before  he  could  summon  up  nerve  to  pull  the 
fatal  trigger.  After  it  was  over  the  poor  fellow 
looked  intently  at  the  inanimate  body  for  a  mo- 
ment to  see  that  he  had  not  swerved  in  his  aim, 
and  then  hurried  away." 

While  the  Lancers  were  desperately  charging 
the  Dervishes  on  the  other  side  of  the  Jebel  Surg- 
ham  ridge,  the  infantry  brigades,  British  and 
Egyptian,  were  moving  out  from  the  ground 
they  had  held  so  well,  to  take  up  the  echelon 
formation  for  the  advance  into  Omdurman. 
The  leading  British  brigade  had  marched  at 
half -past  nine,  and  was  just  topping  the  sandy 
ridge  between  Surgham  and  the  river,  its  four 
battalions  marching  abreast  in  column.  The 
Sirdar  and  his  staff  were  riding  close  to  it  on  the 
ridge,  being  anxious  to  see  as  soon  as  might  be 

[  2SS  ] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  —  1898 

what  was  out  in  front.  The  other  brigades  were 
moving  into  the  positions  assigned  to  them  for 
the  advance.  Several  of  the  regiments  were 
marching  on  ground  that  had  been  swept  by  our 
fire,  and  frequently  wounded  fanatics  would 
spring  up  and  fire  on  the  men  or  try  to  close  with 
them.  They  were  bayoneted  or  shot;  but,  apart 
from  this  desultory  shooting,  all  fire  had  ceased 
for  some  time.  Most  of  the  British  and  Egyp- 
tians felt  fairly  certain  that  the  battle  was  over, 
and  that  if  the  Dervishes  were  encountered  again 
it  would  be  farther  south,  on  the  march  between 
the  Surgham  ridge  and  the  suburbs  of  Omdur- 
man. 

But,  screened  by  the  hills  that  looked  down 
on  the  battlefield,  the  Khalifa  was  gathering  his 
army  for  a  last  great  effort.  It  was  well  planned, 
and  against  less  thoroughly  trained  troops  than 
those  who  met  it  this  onset  might  have  ended 
in  a  victory  for  Mahdism.  The  warriors  en- 
gaged in  this  second  attack  had  for  the  most 
part  taken  no  share,  or  only  a  slight  one,  in  the 
earlier  advance.  The  Dervishes  were  massed 
in  two  huge  columns,  which  were  to  make  a  con- 
verging attack  on  the  Egyptian  right  and  right 
rear. 

MacDonald's  brigade  was  marching  out  to 
take  up  its  position  nearest  the  hills  and  furthest 
to  the  rear  in  the  great  echelon.  It  was  for- 

[289] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

tunate  that  he  was  strong  in  artillery,  for  on  his 
isolated  brigade  the  storm  of  the  Dervish  attack 
burst  in  its  full  fury. 

He  had  the  briefest  warning  from  the  cavalry 
of  what  was  coming.  Then,  as  he  formed  up 
his  brigade  in  line  facing  westward,  Yakub's 
column  poured  down  upon  him,  wave  upon 
wave,  from  the  hills.  MacDonald  was  deploy- 
ing into  line  —  the  Eleventh  Soudanese  on  his 
left,  the  Second  Egyptians  in  his  center,  the 
Tenth  Soudanese  on  the  right,  with  the  Ninth 
behind  them  in  support.  The  Ninth  rushed  up 
to  prolong  the  line,  the  Maxims  were  placed  on 
the  flanks  of  the  brigade,  and  the  batteries  un- 
limbered  and  came  into  action  in  intervals  left 
for  the  purpose  between  the  battalions.  Thus 
the  Dervish  onset  was  met  by  a  hail  of  bullets 
and  shells  from  eighteen  guns  and  three  thou- 
sand rifles,  the  Soudanese  firing  independently, 
the  Egyptians  in  steady  volleys.  The  nearest 
infantry  brigade,  Lewis's,  was  nearly  a  mile 
away.  For  a  brief,  anxious  ten  minutes  Mac- 
Donald  had  all  the  battle  to  himself.  Hunter, 
always  keen  to  be  at  the  post  of  danger,  had  gal- 
loped up  to  the  threatened  brigade  as  soon  as  he 
saw  the  Dervish  charge  coming,  but,  like  a  good 
commander,  he  did  not  interfere  with  his  trusted 
subordinate,  leaving  to  MacDonald  the  im- 
mediate control  of  the  fight,  and  contenting  him- 

[290] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --  1898 

self  with  sending  off  gallopers  at  the  full  speed 
of  their  horses  to  ask  the  Sirdar  for  support. 

Yakub's  warriors,  horse  and  foot  mingled 
together,  came  on  as  bravely  as  ever  men  charged 
to  death  on  a  battlefield.  Again  the  great  tide 
of  jibba-clad  Dervishes  poured  into  the  plain, 
firing,  shouting,  brandishing  their  spears,  and 
beating  their  war-drums.  There  was  a  mo- 
mentary check  as  the  foremost  ranks  went  down 
under  the  Egyptian  fire,  and  then  the  second 
Dervish  column  appeared,  charging  from  the 
Kerreri  Hills,  on  MacDonald's  right,  led  by  Os- 
man  and  Wad  Helu.  There  is  nothing  more 
difficult  even  for  the  best-trained  troops  than  to 
change  front  while  actually  engaged  and  under 
a  heavy  fire.  The  soldier's  attention  has  become 
riveted  on  the  enemy  in  his  original  front;  he 
feels  the  danger  is  there;  and  yet  he  finds  him- 
self suddenly  told  to  cease  fire,  no  longer  to  op- 
pose a  threatening  advance,  and  to  execute  a 
necessarily  complex  parade  movement,  during 
the  course  of  which  he  feels  he  is  doing  nothing 
to  defend  himself.  Unless  drill  and  discipline 
have  become  a  second  nature,  and  the  men  have 
absolute  confidence  in  their  officers  and  the 
officers  in  the  men,  the  attempt  begins  in  con- 
fusion and  ends  in  disaster.  But  MacDonald 
knew  he  could  trust  his  brigade  even  to  the  ex- 
tent of  this  supreme  test.  He  changed  his  order 

[291] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

of  battle,  swinging  back  his  right  so  that  the 
Ninth  and  Tenth  Soudanese  and  one  of  the  bat- 
teries now  faced  northwards,  and  poured  their 
fire  into  Osman  and  Wad  Helu's  attack.  The 
brigade  thus  formed  a  flattened  wedge  or  two 
sides  of  a  square,  three  thousand  resolute  men 
facing  the  headlong  rush  of  twenty  thousand 
fanatics.  It  was  a  more  terrible  test  than  that 
which  the  British  square  faced  at  Abu  Klea;  for 
here,  if  the  Dervishes  once  got  round  either  flank 
of  the  line,  it  meant  death  for  every  man  who 
stood  in  the  ranks. 

On  the  right  front  Osman's  charge  had  got  up 
to  four  hundred  yards  from  the  Soudanese,  and 
a  crowd  of  riflemen  sheltered  in  a  narrow  khor 
were  pouring  a  deadly  fire  into  Ithe  brigade. 
Some  of  the  Dervishes  pressed  on  closer  still  - 
so  close  that  they  even  succeeded  in  hurling 
their  spears  into  the  line.  Several  men  were 
wounded  in  this  way. 

MacDonald  had  broken  the  force  of  the  Der- 
vish onset.  But  now  he  was  no  longer  unaided. 
Help  was  at  hand,  and  not  a  moment  too  soon, 
for  some  of  his  men  had  only  six  cartridges  left 
in  their  pouches,  some  only  three.  The  Der- 
vishes were  giving  way.  But  alf  who  saw  the 
splendid  fight  agree  that  MacDonald' s  brigade 
had  stopped  the  dangerous  rush  before  even  the 
first  of  the  supports  could  come  into  action. 

[292] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --  1898 

The  Dervishes  were  retreating  —  some  of 
them  were  even  running,  a  sight  rarely  seen  on  a 
Soudan  battlefield.  A  last  desperate  effort  was 
made  by  the  Dervish  cavalry  to  save  the  day, 
but  men  and  horses  were  swept  down  like  grass 
before  the  scythe  as  they  came  under  the  fire  of 
the  right,  now  strengthened  by  two  British 
battalions.  The  Fifteenth  Egyptians  did  not 
secure  the  flag  till  every  man  of  Yakub's  body- 
guard and  the  Emir  himself  had  fallen  beside  it. 

During  this  last  struggle  the  Sirdar  had  ridden 
up  with  his  staff.  An  orderly  took  and  held 
aloft  the  black  flag  which  Hickman  had  pre- 
sented to  the  Sirdar.  Instantly  a  shell  from 
one  of  the  gunboats  went  hurtling  close  overhead. 
Slatin  was  the  first  to  see  what  it  meant.  "Down 
with  that  flag,"  he  said,  and  the  banner  was 
lowered  and  furled.  The  gunboat  had  not 
yet  realized  that  it  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Egyptians. 

The  long  line  was  now  on  the  edge  of  the  hills, 
facing  westward  toward  the  desert,  where  the 
Emirs  were  striving  to  rally  the  wreck  of  their 
army.  The  Sirdar  ordered  a  general  advance, 
and  on  the  victorious  army  went,  pouring  long- 
range  volleys  into  the  flying  foe,  while  the  Egyp- 
tian cavalry  charged  them  on  the  right,  and  the 
guns  from  time  to  time  unlimbered  and  sent  a 
shower  of  shells  into  any  formed  body  of  Der- 

[293] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

vishes  that  still  held  together.  By  quarter  past 
eleven  it  was  clear  that  no  further  resistance 
was  possible.  The  line  halted;  the  battle  was 
won.  It  only  remained  to  secure  the  fruits  of 
victory. 

Once  more  the  order  was  given  to  form  up 
facing  south  for  the  march  into  Omdurman. 

As  the  Sirdar's  army  pressed  on  towards  the 
northern  suburbs  of  the  Mahdist  capital,  some 
thousands  of  the  defeated  Dervishes  could  be 
seen  moving  by  the  desert  towards  the  city. 
They  were  no  longer  marching  in  any  military 
array,  but  plodding  along  in  little  detached 
groups,  with  here  and  there  a  mounted  man 
walking  his  tired  horse.  Clearly  there  would  be 
no  more  show  of  opposition  in  the  open,  nor  was 
any  serious  resistance  anticipated  in  the  streets 
and  behind  the  walls  of  Omdurman. 

As  the  gunboats  came  up  close  to  the  bank 
near  the  north  end  of  the  town  a  crowd  of  the 
townspeople,  chiefly  women,  came  down  to  the 
river's  edge,  holding  up  a  white  flag,  and  pre- 
senting peace-offerings  of  goats,  chickens,  cakes 
and  fruit.  It  was  with  some  difficulty  that  they 
were  persuaded  that  there  was  no  need  of  bring- 
ing even  such  poor  ransom  to  the  conquerors  of 
the  city.  On  the  land  side,  too,  crowds  came 
out  with  white  flags  to  meet  the  advancing  bat- 
talions, and  while  they  welcomed  the  Sirdar,  it 

[294] 


A    CORNER    OF    THE    BATTLEFIELD.      THE     STANDARD-BEARER'S 

DEATH  GRIP  /.  294 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan--  1898 

was  evident  that  there  had  been  a  lurking  fear 
that  the  city  would  be  sacked  after  the  battle,  in 
the  old  savage  fashion  of  Arab  warfare. 

As  the  Soudanese  battalions  entered  the  sub- 
urbs there  was  an  unpleasant  change  from  this 
friendly  reception.  Desperate  groups  of  Der- 
vishes were  holding  out  here  and  there  among 
the  houses,  making  a  flat  parapeted  roof  their 
post  of  vantage,  or  firing  from  windows  and  half- 
open  doors.  There  were  also  ghastly  signs  of 
what  the  Baggara  horsemen  had  done  as  they 
galloped  away  through  the  suburbs  from  the 
battlefield.  Corpses  lay  in  the  deserted  street, 
for  the  most  part  women  and  young  girls,  slaves 
of  those  barbarous  masters  whom  they  had 
speared  or  cut  down  as  they  caught  them  escap- 
ing from  the  houses.  The  Soudanese  cleared 
the  suburb  with  bullet  and  bayonet,  the  gun- 
boats occasionally  giving  effective  help  by 
bringing  their  Maxims  to  bear  on  a  housetop, 
sweeping  it  with  a  jet  of  hot  lead  as  a  fireman 
sweeps  a  roof  with  a  stream  of  water.  While 
this  desultory  fighting  was  still  going  on,  and 
the  bullets  were  flying  in  the  mud-walled  streets, 
the  Sirdar  rode  in  at  the  head  of  his  staff. 

The  Soudanese  had  got  round  the  northeast 
angle  of  the  central  walled  enclosure  of  the  city 
by  wading  through  the  water  of  the  Nile,  where 
it  ran  close  to  the  foot  of  the  fortifications. 

[295] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

They  entered  by  the  breaches  which  the  shells 
had  made  in  the  wall  on  the  river  front,  and 
once  inside,  met  with  no  organized  resistance, 
though  there  was  some  desultory  skirmishing. 
The  Sirdar  and  his  staff,  with  their  escort,  had 
ridden  down  the  broad  street  that  runs  from  the 
center  of  Omdurman  through  the  northern 
suburbs.  Crowds  of  the  townsfolk  waited  to 
welcome  him,  some  sincerely  glad  of  the  down- 
fall of  the  Khalifa,  others  eager  to  make  their 
peace  with  the  victor.  As  he  approached  the 
Mahdi's  tomb  and  the  central  enclosure  there 
were  fewer  of  these  more  or  less  sincere  con- 
gratulations, and  then  came  the  experience  of 
being  occasionally  fired  at  from  roofs  and  walls. 

Guided  by  Slatin,  the  Sirdar  entered  the  inner 
walled  city  by  one  of  the  large  openings  on  the 
land  side,  and  reached  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Khalifa's  half -ruined  palace,  while  the  Soudan- 
ese were  still  clearing  it  of  the  last  desperate 
remnant  of  Abdullahi's  bodyguard.  The  Kha- 
lifa himself  had  ridden  away  only  a  few  min- 
utes before,  accompanied  by  a  few  of  his  chiefs, 
some  of  his  wives,  and  a  small  escort.  For  some 
time  it  was  supposed  that  he  was  still  in  the 
palace. 

It  was  at  this  point  that  a  most  unfortunate 
incident  occurred.  The  Hon.  Hubert  Howard, 
a  son  of  the  Earl  of  Carlisle,  had  accompanied 

[296] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan- -1898 

the  expedition  as  war  correspondent  of  the  Times 
and  the  New  York  Herald.  He  had  already 
seen  some  service  in  South  Africa,  and  had  there 
displayed  the  same  venturous  disposition  that 
led  him,  during  the  battle  of  Omdurman,  to 
ride  with  the  Twenty-first  Lancers  in  their  des- 
perate charge.  Out  of  that  danger  he  had  come 
scathless.  But  now,  when  the  fighting  was  all 
but  over,  he  was  to  meet  his  death  by  the  fire  of 
his  own  friends.  He  had  ridden  with  the  staff 
close  up  to  the  enclosure  of  the  Khalifa's  palace, 
near  the  Mahdi's  tomb.  It  was  just  sunset,  and 
the  light  was  rapidly  decreasing,  but  Howard, 
nevertheless,  told  a  comrade  who  was  with  him 
that  he  would  push  on  into  the  courtyard  in 
the  hope  of  taking  some  snapshot  photographs 
with  a  hand  camera  which  he  carried.  He  went 
in,  but  he  had  hardly  done  so  when  a  shell,  fired 
by  one  of  the  British  batteries,'  exploded  in  the 
enclosure  and  killed  him  on  the  spot.  The 
battery  commander  had  received  orders  to  drop 
a  shell  from  time  to  time  into  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Madhi's  tomb  in  order  to  break  up  any 
rally  of  the  Dervishes  there.  But  he  had  not 
been  informed  of  the  rapid  progress  of  Maxwell's 
men  and  the  Sirdar  and  his  staff,  who  had 
reached  the  tomb  much  sooner  than  was  antici- 
pated. Young  Howard's  death  was  the  result. 
The  death  roll  of  war  correspondents  in  the 

[297] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

Soudan  is  a  longer  one  than  for  any  other  coun- 
try, and  on  this  day  they  lost,  in  proportion  to 
their  small  numbers,  more  heavily  than  the 
combatant  officers  or  the  rank  and  file. 

All  resistance  being  now  at  an  end,  and  it 
having  been  definitely  ascertained  that  the  Kha- 
lifa had  escaped  from  the  city,  the  Sirdar  and 
his  officers  paid  a  brief  visit  to  the  Mahdi's  tomb. 
The  evening  light  coming  in  through  the  great 
rent  in  the  dome  showed  how  the  interior  had 
been  wrecked  by  the  bursting  Lyddite  shell. 
The  tomb  itself,  and  the  gilded  railings  round  it, 
were  badly  damaged;  of  the  lamps  that  hung 
from  the  roof  only  one  remained,  and  the  doors, 
with  their  carved  panels,  had  been  blown  open 
and  shattered. 

Leaving  Maxwell's  brigade  to  hold  the  town 
and  keep  order,  the  Sirdar  directed  the  rest  of 
the  troops  to  withdraw  from  the  suburbs  and 
bivouac  for  the  night  in  the  open.  Omdurman 
was  a  pestilential  place.  Slatin,  in  his  descrip- 
tion of  it,  had  in  no  way  exaggerated  the  filth 
and  horror  of  its  mud-walled  streets. 

From  the  mosque  the  Sirdar  made  his  way  to 
the  prison.  There  he  found,  in  chains,  Charles 
Neufeld,  the  German  trader  who  had  ventured 
into  the  Soudan  in  1887,  and  had  been  a  captive 
ever  since,  wearing  his  heavy  chains  for  eleven 
years;  so  that  when  they  were  struck  off  he  at 

[298] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  —  1898 

first  found  it  hard  to  balance  himself  without 
the  weight  of  them.  There  was  also  an  Italian 
and  some  Greeks,  and  more  than  a  hundred 
Abyssinians  taken  prisoners  in  the  battle  where 
King  Johannes  was  defeated  and  killed  by  the 
Dervishes.  Other  prisoners  were  Egyptians 
and  Soudanese  who  had  incurred  the  suspicion 
of  the  Khalifa.  Among  these  was  Ibrahim 
Pasha  Fauzi,  who  had  been  staff  officer  to  Gen- 
eral Gordon  during  the  siege  of  Khartoum.  He 
had  been  a  prisoner  since  the  fall  of  the  city,  and 
had  been  cruelly  tortured  by  order  of  the  Mahdi 
in  order  to  force  him  to  confess  where  he  had 
hidden  his  money  during  the  siege.  By  a  cu- 
rious coincidence  he  was  brought  on  board  the 
Melik  to  have  his  chains  struck  off  by  the  ship's 
armorer,  and  he  was  thus  restored  to  freedom 
in  the  presence  of  Gordon's  nephew,  who  com- 
manded the  gunboat. 

In  the  darkness  of  the  gathering  night  the 
Sirdar  made  his  way  to  the  bivouac.  There, 
stretched  on  the  gravel  of  the  river-bank,  beside 
Colonel  Wingate,  he  dictated  to  the  latter,  by 
the  light  of  an  inch  of  candle,  the  short  tele- 
graphic despatch  that  was  to  tell  England  of  the 
long-expected  victory.  It  was  taken  down  the 
Nile  by  a  gunboat  to  be  put  upon  the  wire  at 
Nasri. 

In  the  great  bivouac,  guarded  by  only  a  few 

[299] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

sentries,  the  victorious  army  slept  in  the  moon- 
light the  deep  sleep  of  wearied  men.  It  was  far 
into  the  night  before  Omdurman  was  equally 
quiet.  Now  and  then  the  rifle-shots  rang  out. 
There  were  scenes  of  riot  as  the  townsfolk  plun- 
dered the  houses  of  fugitive  emirs.  A  great 
granary,  the  wall  of  which  had  been  breached 
by  a  shell,  was  looted  by  a  crowd,  who  carried 
off  the  sacks  of  grain  on  their  backs  with  no  one 
to  hinder  them.  Gradually  Maxwell's  Soudan- 
ese and  some  of  the  Jaalin  friendlies  restored 
order,  and  the  wearied  soldiers  bivouacked  for 
the  night  in  the  wider  streets  and  the  courtyards 
of  mosque  and  palace. 

There  was  no  rest  for  the  surgeons.  They 
were  busy  all  night  long  by  shaded  candle-lamps 
in  the  ambulances  and  the  floating  hospital 
barges.  Far  off  in  the  moonlight  Abdullahi  was 
fleeing  to  the  southward,  gathering  as  he  went 
a  band  of  his  more  devoted  adherents,  who  had 
survived  the  dangers  of  that  last  terrible  day  of 
militant  Mahdism.  Nor  was  there  any  rest  for 
the  Egyptian  cavalry  and  camel  corps,  who  were 
urging  their  tired  horses  and  camels  in  pursuit, 
while  on  the  river  the  gunboats,  with  their  elec- 
tric light  ablaze,  worked  their  way  slowly  against 
the  swift,  dark  current  of  the  Nile. 

The  counting  of  the  Dervish  dead  as  they  lay 
on  the  field  gave  the  terrible  total  of  ten  thou- 

[300] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --  1898 

sand  eight  hundred  and  twenty-four.  It  was  esti- 
mated that  there  were  besides  these  about  fifteen 
thousand  wounded.  This  would  mean  that  in 
about  four  hours'  fighting  every  second  man  in 
the  Dervish  army  of  fifty  thousand  men  was 
killed  or  wounded.  There  were  thousands  of 
prisoners;  for,  when  once  the  battle  was  lost,  all 
but  the  fanatic  few  were  only  too  ready  to  make 
their  peace  with  the  victors.  Seven  thousand 
wounded  were  turned  over  to  the  care  of  the 
surgeons.  Thousands  of  prisoners  were  set  at 
liberty  as  soon  as  they  had  laid  down  their  arms. 
Only  the  emirs  and  some  of  the  more  truculent 
of  the  Baggara  were  detained  under  guard. 
Among  the  captives  were  some  of  the  Khalifa's 
wives.  They  were  set  free  after  a  short  inter- 
rogation by  the  Intelligence  officers.  Another 
prisoner  was  one  of  Slatin's  former  servants, 
who,  for  conniving  at  his  escape,  had  been  kept 
in  chains  for  the  last  three  years.  On  the  eve 
of  the  battle  his  chains  were  struck  off,  and  he 
was  given  a  sword  and  buckler  and  forced  to 
march  with  many  more  equally  unwilling  com- 
batants. He  survived  the  dangers  of  the  day, 
and  was  delighted  at  being  restored  to  his  former 
master. 

Slatin  had  returned  to  the  camp  near  Om- 
durman  the  day  after  the  battle  and  reported 
that  the  pursuit  of  the  Khalifa  had  been  a  failure. 

[301] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

The  Egyptian  cavalry  were  in  no  condition  for 
a  long  pursuit.  On  the  day  of  the  battle  they 
had  been  in  the  saddle  from  early  dawn,  and 
had  repeatedly  been  hotly  engaged  with  the 
enemy.  After  the  repulse  of  the  final  attack 
they  had  fallen  upon  the  retiring  Dervishes,  then 
wheeling  round  they  had  swept  past  the  north 
of  Omdurman,  breaking  up  a  large  body  of 
Mahdist  cavalry,  and  collecting  and  sending  in 
nearly  a  thousand  prisoners.  A  little  after  six 
o'clock,  when  they  were  preparing  to  bivouac 
near  the  south  end  of  Omdurman,  Slatin  Pasha 
arrived  with  orders  to  Colonel  Broadwood  to 
start  at  once  in  chase  of  the  Khalifa. 

There  was  no  time  to  serve  out  rations  or 
fresh  forage.  The  men  mounted  and  rode  off, 
tired  and  hungry  as  they  were.  They  were  told 
that  one  of  the  steamers  would  tow  up  a  barge 
full  of  supplies,  and  meet  them  in  the  morning 
at  some  point  on  the  river-bank.  Broadwood 
had  about  five  hundred  men  and  horses  with  him, 
So  many  of  the  other  horses  were  injured,  or 
utterly  exhausted,  that  it  was  impossible  to  take 
them  out.  Only  the  wonderful  endurance  of  the 
little  Arab  and  Egyptian  horses  enabled  even  so 
many  of  them  to  take  part  in  the  pursuit.  For 
about  six  miles  they  rode  through  the  darkness, 
led  by  a  Jaalin  guide.  Then  it  was  found  that 
they  were  in  the  midst  of  marshes,  formed  by 

[302] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  —  1898 

the  recent  heavy  rains  and  the  overflow  of  the 
Nile;  so  there  was  a  halt  till  the  moon  rose,  the 
men  resting,  formed  in  a  small  square,  for  there 
were  armed  parties  of  the  enemy  prowling  in 
the  neighborhood. 

Not  far  off  the  camel  corps  were  also  in  biv- 
ouac. So  far,  notwithstanding  the  exhausted 
state  of  men  and  animals,  there  was  a  hope  of 
overtaking  the  fugitive  Khalifa.  During  the 
night  a  number  of  slaves  and  women  had  come 
in,  whom  he  had  abandoned  in  his  flight,  or 
who  had  given  him  the  slip.  They  reported 
that  he  had  with  him  about  a  hundred  men  of 
his  own  tribe,  the  Taaisha  Baggaras.  When 
the  moon  rose  the  pursuit  was  continued,  and 
from  time  to  time  stragglers  were  overtaken  who 
said  they  had  been  with  the  Khalifa.  These, 
however,  were  now  fewer  and  fewer,  and  it  be- 
gan to  be  clear  that  Abdullahi  and  his  com- 
panions had  got  a  good  start  and  were  making 
the  most  of  it.  Their  horses  and  camels  had 
not,  like  the  mounts  of  Broadwood's  and  Tud- 
way's  men,  had  four  days  of  continuous  and  ex- 
hausting work  before  this  forced  night  march. 

By  sunrise  thirty  miles  had  been  covered. 
The  horses  were  nearly  dead  beat,  and  there 
was  neither  food  for  the  men  nor  forage  for  their 
mounts.  It  was,  under  such  conditions,  hope- 
less to  press  on,  so  the  tired  men  and  horses 

[303] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

turned  towards  the  Nile.  But  the  banks,  cov- 
ered by  the  flood,  were  for  some  time  inaccessible. 
The  men  had  to  ride  for  some  time  along  the 
edge  of  a  wide  belt  of  marshes  and  shallows, 
two  miles  wide,  till  at  last,  along  a  point  of 
higher  ground,  they  got  down  to  the  river  and 
received  some  supplies  from  the  flotilla.  Then 
orders  were  reluctantly  given  to  return  to  Khar- 
toum. 

Major  Stuart- Wortley  got  his  little  army  of 
friendlies  across  the  river  during  the  morning, 
and  they  took  up  the  pursuit  of  the  Khalifa,  but 
he  had  got  such  a  start  of  them  that  from  the 
first  their  chance  of  overtaking  him  was  not  very 
great.  One  of  the  steamers  proceeded  for  some 
distance  up  the  White  Nile  in  the  hope  of  per- 
haps coming  up  with  the  fugitives  somewhere 
on  its  banks.  But  the  most  trustworthy  reports 
that  could  be  obtained  from  the  stragglers  and 
the  riverside  folk  indicated  that  he  had  not  fol- 
lowed the  usual  track  of  caravans  near  the  Nile, 
but  had  struck  off  into  the  desert,  where  the  rain 
had  left  large  pools  in  the  khors  and  hollows, 
so  that  a  small  party  would  find  water  in  abun- 
dance for  their  camels  and  horses.  But  for  the 
recent  storms  the  fugitives  would  have  been 
forced  to  follow  the  river-bank,  and  would  have 
had  much  more  difficulty  in  getting  away. 

The  escape  of  the  Khalifa  was  the  one  point 

[304] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --  1898 

in  which  the  success  of  the  Sirdar  was  incom- 
plete. Abdullahi  had  taken  with  him  his  son 
Osman,  the  Sheikh  ed  Din,  who  had  passed 
through  the  dangers  of  the  battle  without  a 
wound.  AH  Wad  Helu,  though  severely 
wounded,  had  also  got  away,  and  Osman  Digna 
had  added  one  more  to  a  long  record  of  mar- 
velous escapes.  In  the  first  stage  of  his  flight 
the  Khalifa  had  been  so  closely  pressed  by  the 
pursuit  that  he  had  to  abandon  on  the  road 
some  of  the  women  of  his  household;  but,  if  re- 
port speaks  truly,  he  was  joined  later  on  by 
many  fugitives  from  the  battlefield,  mostly  war- 
riors of  his  own  tribe,  the  Taaisha  Baggara, 
who  had  their  doubts  about  the  possibility  of 
making  terms  with  the  conquerors,  or  who  dis- 
dained to  ask  for  pardon  and  peace.  With  this 
band  of  adherents  he  made  his  way  across  the 
desert  into  the  wooded  country  of  Kordofan. 
It  was  at  first  supposed  that  he  would  make  for 
El  Obeid,  the  chief  city  of  that  region,  and  the 
scene  of  the  center  of  the  earliest  conquests  of 
Mahdism,  but  he  probably  had  too  much  reason 
to  fear  that  the  people  of  El  Obeid  might  make 
their  peace  with  the  Egyptian  Government  by 
handing  him  over  to  one  of  the  Sirdar's  generals, 
so  he  kept  to  the  open  country,  making  for  the 
home  of  his  tribe,  where  the  warlike  Baggara 
had  been  a  terror  to  all  the  neighboring  tribes 

[305] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

long  before  the  victories  and  defeats  of  Mahdism 
made  their  name  famous  throughout  the  world. 

The  Sirdar  had  crossed  the  Nile  on  Saturday, 
and  paid  a  brief  visit  to  Khartoum,  accom- 
panied by  his  officers.  The  former  capital  of 
the  Soudan  had  shrunk  to  a  riverside  village, 
surrounded  by  ruins.  Near  the  Nile  bank, 
among  the  bushes,  stood  one  of  the  movable 
pumping-engines  which  Gordon  had  tried  to 
introduce  as  an  improvement  on  the  centuries- 
old  water-wheel  system.  His  palace,  where  he 
spent  those  last  anxious  months  of  his  heroic 
career,  was  a  huge  ruin.  The  roof  and  more 
lightly  built  upper  story  were  gone,  but  the 
solidly  built  lower  walls  were  standing,  though 
the  flooring,  beams,  and  planks  had  been  re- 
moved for  the  construction  of  newer  buildings 
in  Omdurman,  so  that  all  the  rooms,  even  on 
the  ground  floor,  were  open  to  the  sky.  The 
staircase  by  which  Gordon  had  come  down  to 
meet  his  murderers  was  also  gone,  but  the 
natives  were  able  to  point  out  where  it  stood. 

The  only  important  building  that  was  in  good 
repair  was  the  large  house  of  the  Catholic  mis- 
sion, to  which  Father  Ohrwalder  and  his  fellow 
prisoners  had  once  belonged.  The  house  and 
its  courtyard  had  been  turned  into  an  arsenal 
and  storehouse  by  the  Khalifa,  and  a  consider- 
able quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition  was 

[306] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  --  1898 

found  there,  including  seventeen  guns  of  various 
calibres.  But  besides  the  military  stores  there 
was  a  miscellaneous  collection  of  various  articles 
of  European  manufacture,  the  loot  of  the  various 
garrisons  that  had  been  captured  in  the  Soudan 
and  of  Hicks  Pasha's  unfortunate  army. 

On  the  Sunday  morning  there  was  a  striking 
scene  in  Khartoum.  The  Sirdar  and  his  staff, 
with  the  officers  commanding  brigades  and 
divisions,  and  as  many  of  the  British  officers  as 
could  be  spared  from  duty,  were  ferried  across 
the  Nile  from  Shambat  to  the  ruined  city.  With 
them  went  guards  of  honor  of  several  of  the 
British  regiments,  of  Gordon's  own  corps,  the 
Royal  Engineers,  of  the  Royal  Artillery,  and  of 
the  Eleventh  Soudanese.  The  band  of  the  Sou- 
danese and  the  pipers  of  the  Camerons  and  Sea- 
forths  were  also  present.  The  troops  were 
formed  in  a  hollow  square,  just  in  front  of  the 
ruined  palace,  close  to  the  spot  where  Gordon 
was  killed.  Two  flagstaffs  had  been  erected  on 
the  palace  wall,  and  by  each  stood  a  couple  of 
officers.  At  a  signal  from  the  Sirdar  they  hoisted 
at  one  staff  the  Union  Jack,  at  the  other  the 
Khedive's  flag  —  red  with  a  white  crescent  - 
while  the  two  gunboats  on  the  river  fired  a  sa- 
lute, the  bands  playing  the  British  National 
Anthem  and  the  Khedive's  March.  Then  fol- 
lowed a  brief  religious  service  in  memory  of  the 

[307] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

hero  of  the  spot  —  Charles  Gordon.  There 
were  some  few  among  the  officers  who  had  shared 
in  the  unsuccessful  attempt  to  come  to  his  rescue 
thirteen  years  before.  Three  of  the  newspaper 
correspondents,  who  looked  on  and  recorded 
this  solemn  scene,  had  been  with  the  little  band 
that  fought  its  way  across  the  Bayuda  Desert, 
only  to  arrive  too  late.  One  of  the  four  chap- 
lains, the  veteran  Father  Brindle,  had  marched 
across  the  Bayuda  with  the  Royal  Irish  in  that 
terrible  campaign.  Here  at  last  they  were  all 
at  Khartoum,  too  late,  indeed,  to  save  Gordon, 
but  not  too  late  to  begin  again  carrying  on  that 
work  of  bringing  justice  and  security  to  the 
people  of  the  Soudan  to  which  Gordon  devoted 
so  much  of  his  best  energies. 

The  chaplains  in  turn  offered  prayer,  then 
the  band  played  the  "Dead  March"  in  Saul, 
and  the  pipers  a  wailing  Highland  coronach, 
while  the  steamers  on  the  river  fired  nineteen 
minute  guns.  At  the  close  of  the  service  the 
Sirdar  called  for  cheers  for  the  Queen  and  the 
Khedive.  Then  the  ranks  were  broken,  and 
before  returning  across  the  river  to  Omdurman 
half  an  hour  was  given  to  all,  officers  and  men, 
to  have  an  opportunity  of  visiting  the  famous 
spots  associated  with  Gordon's  last  days. 

When  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Omdurman 
and  the  recapture  of  Khartoum  reached  Eng- 

[308] 


With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  —  1898 

land  there  was  a  disposition  to  speak  of  the  vic- 
tory as  the  avenging  of  Gordon.  Such  an  idea 
was  certainly  out  of  accord  with  Gordon's  own 
way  of  thinking,  and  one  of  his  sisters  publicly 
protested  against  it.  The  truer  idea  was  that 
the  British  had  not  come  for  vengeance,  but  to 
destroy  a  hideous  tyranny  which  had  undone 
Gordon's  life-work  in  the  Soudap,  and  of  which 
an  end  had  to  be  made  before  Gordon's  work 
could  be  resumed. 


[309] 


XIII 

Admiral  Dewey  and  the 
Battle  of  Manila 

Ly  A.  HILLIARD  ATTERIDGE 

AS  the  Cuban  war  crisis  became  more  and 
more  ominous,  Admiral  Dewey,  who 
commanded  the  United  States  squadron 
in  the  Pacific,  was  directed  to  assemble  his  ships 
at  Hong  Kong  and  prepare  for  eventualities. 
He  put  himself  into  close  relation  with  the  exiled 
rebel  leaders,  obtained  from  Manila  very  com- 
plete information  as  to  the  condition  of  the  de- 
fences of  the  bay  and  the  Spanish  squadron;  and 
when  at  last  the  cables  brought  him  news  that 
peace  was  at  an  end  between  Spain  and  the 
United  States,  he  sailed  for  Manila  to  fight  the 
first  battle  of  the  war. 

Admiral  George  Dewey,  the  hero  of  the  Ma- 
nila fight,  comes  of  an  old  New  England  family. 
He  was  born  in  Vermont  in  1837,  graduated  at 
the  Annapolis  Naval  Academy  in  1854,  and  saw 
his  first  war  service,  under  Farragut,  at  the  forc- 
ing of  the  Mississippi  mouth,  and  in  the  numer- 
ous gunboat  actions  and  attacks  on  forts  along 

[310] 


ADMIRAL   GEORGE   DEVVEY,    U.S.N. 


Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Battle  of  Manila 

the  great  river.  In  one  of  these  river  battles 
he  had  an  experience  something  like  that  which 
was  to  befall  his  Spanish  opponents  at  Manila. 
He  was  trying  to  run  past  the  Confederate  works 
at  Port  Hudson,  on  the  Mississippi,  when  his 
ship,  a  large  armed  paddle-steamer,  was  riddled 
with  shot  and  shell  and  ran  aground.  Dewey, 
with  his  officers  and  men,  escaped  after  setting 
their  ship  on  fire.  After  this  he  served  in  the 
hard  righting  on  the  Atlantic  coast.  He  was 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  Commodore  in  1884, 
and  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
United  States  Pacific  squadron  in  January, 
1898,  at  a  time  when  it  appeared  that  he  might 
have  to  use  it  chiefly  to  protect  American  inter- 
ests during  a  general  scramble  of  the  naval 
powers  for  ports  and  "spheres  of  influence" 
around  the  Yellow  Sea.  In  March  he  began 
to  concentrate  his  squadron  at  Hong  Kong.  It 
was  lying  in  Mirs  Bay  ready  for  action  when 
war  was  declared. 

All  the  six  United  States  fighting  ships  had  a 
steel  under-water  deck  to  protect  the  engine 
space  and  vitals  of  the  ship.  Besides  this  ar- 
mored deck,  the  Olympia  had  four  to  five-inch 
armor  on  her  barbettes  and  conning- towers, 
and  four-inch  steel  shields  to  protect  her  second- 
ary armament.  The  Baltimore  had  no  bar- 
bettes, but  had  steel  shields  to  her  guns  and  an 

[311] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

armored  conning-tower.     The  Raleigh  and  Con- 
cord had  also  armored  conning-towers. 

On  the  other  hand,  in  the  Spanish  fleet  as- 
sembled at  Manila,  the  only  ships  that  had  even 
the  protection  of  a  lightly  armored  under-water 
deck  were  two  small  cruisers. 

All  our  guns  were  modern  weapons  from  the 
Washington  gun  foundry,  of  longer  range,  higher 
striking  power,  and  (thanks  to  their  flat  trajec- 
tory) far  more  accurate  than  the  Spanish  guns. 
These  were  of  various  types;  there  were  Arm- 
strongs, old  muzzle-loading  Pallisers,  Krupps, 
and  Hontoria  guns;  so  that  to  provide  a  proper 
variety  of  ammunition,  and  keep  it  sorted  out 
in  the  arsenal,  must  have  been  a  troublesome 
business. 

Again,  while  the  American  ships  were  all  of 
recent  date  and  in  good  repair,  several  of  the 
Spanish  vessels  were  old,  with  worn-out  engines 
and  boilers  and  leaky  hulls.  All  this  the  Amer- 
ican commodore  knew,  and,  before  he  left  Hong 
Kong,  he  must  have  felt  quite  certain  that  if  he 
could  bring  the  Spanish  fleet  to  action,  he  could 
destroy  it  with  very  little  risk  to  his  own  powerful 
cruisers. 

By  the  terms  of  the  British  proclamation  of 
neutrality,  issued  on  Monday,  April  25,  United 
States  war  vessels  were  given  forty-eight  hours  in 
which  to  leave  British  ports.  The  proclamation 

[312] 


Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Battle  of  Manila 

was  brought  to  Dewey' s  notice  by  the  governor 
of  Hong  Kong,  and,  accordingly,  the  squadron 
put  to  sea,  on  Wednesday  the  27th.  It  would 
have  gotten  away  two  days  earlier  but  for  an 
accident  to  one  of  the  Raleigh's  pumps,  which 
took  that  time  to  repair.  The  distance  from 
Hong  Kong  to  Manila  is  about  seven  hundred 
miles.  But  Dewey  was  handicapped  by  store- 
ships,  and  it  was  not  till  Saturday  evening  that 
he  was  off  the  entrance  of  Manila  Bay. 

When  he  left  Hong  Kong  he  had  on  board  a 
number  of  refugees  from  the  Philippines,  who 
had  arranged  to  land  with  arms  and  supplies 
and  revive  the  smouldering  insurrection.  The 
leader  of  the  party  was  Aguinaldo,  who  had  so 
soon  forgotten  his  pledges  to  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernment and  the  solid  consideration  he  had  re- 
ceived for  them.  The  squadron  on  its  way  to 
Manila  touched  at  Bolinao  in  Luzon,  in  order  to 
land  one  of  the  rebel  chiefs,  Alejandrino,  a 
lieutenant  of  Aguinaldo.  A  call  was  also  made 
at  Subic  Bay  to  make  sure  that  the  Spanish  fleet 
was  not  lying  in  wait  there.  Information  was 
obtained  that  it  had  visited  Subic  a  few  days 
before,  but  had  returned  that  very  day  to  its 
anchorage  near  the  arsenal  of  Cavite  in  Manila 
Bay. 

The  admiral  in  command  on  the  Spanish  side 
was  Don  Patricio  Montojo  y  Pasaron.  Born  at 

[313] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

Ferrol  in  1839  he  had  entered  the  navy  at  the 
age  of  sixteen,  but,  apparently  from  want  of  in- 
fluence in  high  quarters,  his  promotion  was  very 
slow.  Notwithstanding  a  good  deal  of  active 
service,  mostly  against  rebels  and  pirates  in  the 
Philippines,  it  was  not  till  1893  that  he  hoisted 
his  flag  as  captain.  The  Times  correspondent 
at  Manila  describes  him  as  "a  spare  man  of 
small  stature,  with  the  air  of  an  old  Spanish 
grandee."  He  speaks  English  with  a  slight 
foreign  accent,  and  after  the  battle  he  told  the 
correspondent  of  the  difficulties  that  had  been 
put  in  his  way  by  the  negligence  of  the  Madrid 
government,  off  which  he  threw  all  the  respon- 
sibility for  his  failure. 

"There  were  no  proper  vessels  here,"  he  said. 
"Ever  since  I  assumed  command  I  have  been 
requisitioning  the  government  for  ships  and  tor- 
pedoes, and  nothing  came.  I  had  no  torpedoes 
whatever.  I  constructed  some  for  myself,  but 
we  did  not  have  proper  material,  and  the  tor- 
pedoes were  very  bad.  My  original  intention 
was  to  go  to  Subic  Bay  (Subic  being  a  military 
port  sixty-five  miles  north  of  Manila)  and  to 
offer  battle  there  to  the  American  fleet.  We 
went  there  on  April  25  and  returned  to  Cavite 
on  the  30th,  the  day  before  the  arrival  of  the 
American  fleet.  I  would  have  remained  if  the 
port  had  been  protected  adequately  with  cannon 

[314] 


Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Battle  of  Manila 

and  torpedoes,  but,  as  the  Subic  fortifications 
offered  no  protection,  I  brought  my  ships  back 
to  Manila  Bay.  I  went  to  Subic  believing  it  to 
be  protected,  but,  seeing  it  would  have  taken 
more  than  a  month  to  make  it  even  passably 
capable  of  defence,  I  had  no  remedy,  the  Amer- 
ican squadron  being  on  its  way  to  the  Philip- 
pines, but  to  abandon  Subic  and  rely  upon  the 
shelter  of  Cavite.  The  Minister  of  Marine 
promised  to  send  supplies,  but  they  never  came. 
I  knew  from  the  first  that  my  squadron  would 
be  completely  destroyed.  I  knew  the  Amer- 
icans had  men-of-war,  whereas  my  ships  were 
incapable  of  fighting  with  any  chance  of  success. 
The  Americans  had  at  least  one  hundred  and 
fifty  guns,  modern,  and  all  of  superior  pattern. 
Ours  were  inferior  in  number  and  calibre." 

No  one  doubts  Admiral  Montojo's  personal 
courage  and  devoted  sense  of  duty,  but  his  very 
words  offer  sad  proof  of  his  incompetence  for 
high  command.  It  is  curious  that,  although  in- 
trusted with  the  naval  defence  of  the  Philippines, 
he  knew  nothing  of  the  state  of  affairs  at  Subic 
till  he  took  his  fleet  there.  His  desperate  re- 
solve to  fight  a  hopeless  battle  can  only  be  ex- 
plained by  the  effect  of  repeated  disappointments 
and  troubles  in  his  dealings  with  his  Govern- 
ment. It  would  have  been  better  if  he  had  taken 
his  fleet  out  of  the  bay  and  kept  it,  or  a  portion 

[315] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

of  it,  at  sea,  eluding  pursuit  in  the  labyrinth  of 
reefs  and  islands  formed  by  the  northern  Philip- 
pines. He  would  thus  have  been  in  a  position 
to  seriously  embarrass  Dewey  in  his  operations 
against  Manila.  Or  if  this  course  was  impossible 
(as  some  say)  on  account  of  leaky  boilers  and 
worn-out  engines,  he  should  have  done  as  Ad- 
miral Korniloff  did  at  Sebastopol  —  landed  his 
crews  with  their  guns  and  ammunition  and  sunk 
the  ships.  In  this  way  he  would  have  consider- 
ably strengthened  General  Augustin's  defence  of 
the  city. 

Manila  Bay  is  about  thirty  miles  long  and 
twenty-five  wide  at  its  broadest  part.  The 
mouth  of  the  bay  is  about  twelve  miles  across, 
but  it  is  divided  by  the  high  rocky  island  of  Cor- 
regidor  into  two  entrances  —  the  northern,  about 
two  miles  wide,  and  the  southern  or  "great  en- 
trance" (the  Boca  Grande),,  nearly  ten  miles 
from  shore  to  shore.  The  depth  of  water  in  both 
entrances  makes  defence  by  submarine  mines 
very  difficult  even  if  the  material  had  been  avail- 
able. Montojo  had  mounted  a  few  guns  in  a 
battery  on  Corregidor  Island,  some  of  them  be- 
ing taken  from  one  of  his  ships  for  the  purpose. 
But  although  the  material  could  have  been  ob- 
tained from  the  electric  lighthouses  of  the  har- 
bor, the  steamers  in  port,  and  the  arsenal  and 
observatory,  no  effort  seems  to  have  been  made 

[316] 


Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Battle  of  Manila 

to  equip  the  battery  with  searchlights.  If  these 
had  existed  they  would  probably  have  had  the 
effect  of  keeping  the  garrison  on  the  qui  vive 
with  the  excitement  of  working  them.  As  it 
was,  a  very  poor  lookout  seems  to  have  been  kept 
at  Corregidor. 

Saturday  evening  was  bright  and  clear  with 
some  light  from  the  moon,  which  was  just  past 
its  first  quarter.  At  8  P.M.  the  fleet,  cleared  for 
action,  stood  in  towards  the  Boca  Grande,  keep- 
ing nearer  the  mainland  side  of  the  channel 
towards  Corregidor.  The  formation  was  "line 
ahead."  The  flagship  Olympia  led  the  way, 
then  came  in  succession  the  Baltimore,  the  Ra- 
leigh, the  Petrel,  the  Concord,  the  Boston,  with 
the  despatch-boat  and  the  two  transports  astern. 
The  whole  line  was  more  than  a  mile  and  a  half 
long.  The  engines  were  going  slowly,  all  lights 
were  screened,  and  the  dark  hulls  glided  in  deep 
silence  between  the  headlands.  All  eyes  were 
fixed  on  Corregidor,  which  rose  like  a  black  mass 
in  the  dim  moonlight.  Every  one  was  expecting 
the  flash  of  a  hostile  gun  as  the  flagship  came  up 
abreast  of  the  island.  But  there  was  no  sign  of 
life  on  the  shore.  Were  the  Dons  asleep?  or 
was  the  Commodore's  information  incorrect  as 
to  the  modern  guns  that  had  been  mounted  to 
protect  the  Boca  Grande?  Now  the  Baltimore 
has  passed  unchallenged,  now  the  Raleigh  and 

[317] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

the  little  Petrel.  At  last  the  Boston  has  the 
island  abeam,  when  suddenly  a  long  red  flash 
leaps  from  the  Fraile  battery  and  the  report  of 
a  heavy  gun  booms  across  the  sea.  The  shot 
went  whistling  high  in  air  over  the  Raleigh. 
Bang  went  another  gun,  and  this  time  the  shot 
fell  short.  The  Raleigh,  Concord,  and  Boston 
promptly  replied,  sending  a  shower  of  shells 
into  Corregidor  and  Fraile,  which  replied  until 
the  ships  were  out  of  range,  but  not  a  single  shot 
from  the  islands  touched  them.  Once  past 
Corregidor,  the  engines  of  the  squadron  slowed 
down  till  there  was  barely  steerage  way  on  the 
ships,  and  as  the  fleet  went  up  the  bay  the  men 
lay  down  to  sleep  beside  their  guns. 

The  course  taken  was  northeast,  up  the  middle 
of  the  bay.  In  the  gray  of  the  Sunday  morning 
the  fleet  was  off  Manila  about  five  miles  from  the 
shore,  heading  directly  for  Sangley  Point,  which 
bore  nearly  due  south.  It  was  perfectly  calm, 
without  a  breath  of  wind,  and  across  the  water 
came  the  musical  chime  of  the  church  bells  in 
the  great  city. 

The  first  shots  were  fired  a  little  before  five 
A.M.  They  came  from  three  batteries  of  heavy 
guns  at  the  new  harbor  works.  All  the  shells 
flew  high  over  the  decks  of  the  squadron.  The 
Concord  replied  with  two  shots,  but  was  imme- 
diately ordered  to  cease  firing,  for  it  would  have 

[318] 


Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Battle  of  Manila 

been  impossible  to  seriously  engage  the  batteries 
at  Manila  without  risking  the  destruction  of  the 
city,  and  this  Dewey  was  anxious  to  avoid.  His 
objective  was  Montojo's  fleet,  which  lay  ahead  of 
him  under  the  guns  of  Cavite  arsenal  and  of  the 
battery  on  Sangley  Point. 

The  Spanish  admiral  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  aware  of  the  approach  of  the  hostile  squad- 
ron till  he  saw  it  steaming  towards  Cavite  on  the 
Sunday  morning.  His  ships  cleared  for  action, 
but  only  about  half  of  them  had  steam  up  and 
were  able  to  get  under  weigh.  The  old  wooden 
Castilla  had  her  engines  broken  down,  and  was 
moored  fore  and  aft  near  Sangley  Point,  to  act 
as  a  floating  battery.  Her  starboard  guns  had 
been  dismounted  and  sent  to  Corregidor,  but 
her  port  guns  were  trained  on  the  approaching 
American  squadron.  The  Velasco  and  the  Don 
Antonio  de  Ulloa  were  anchored  near  the  arsenal. 
They  were  in  the  hands  of  the  dockyard  staff, 
undergoing  repair.  Montojo's  flagship  steamed 
out  towards  the  open  water  of  the  bay,  accom- 
panied by  some  of  the  smaller  ships.  They 
formed  in  line  of  battle  across  the  opening  of 
Cavite  Bay,  their  left  near  Sangley  Point. 

All  was  now  grim  silence  for  a  few  minutes, 
as  Dewey 's  fleet  —  the  Stars  and  Stripes  flying 
from  every  mast,  the  Olympia  leading  —  bore 
down  in  "line  ahead"  on  the  expectant  Span- 

[319] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

iards.  Early  as  it  was,  the  heat  of  the  tropical 
summer  day  was  already  intense,  and  the  men 
in  turret  and  battery  were  stripped  to  the  waist. 
The  crews  stood  beside  their  guns.  The  Com- 
modore was  on  the  bridge  of  his  flagship,  with 
three  of  his  officers;  but  Gridley,  the  captain  of 
the  Olympia,  was  in  the  conning-tower,  Dewey 
having  assigned  him  this  station,  so  that  in  case 
a  shell  burst  on  the  bridge  there  would  still  be  a 
senior  officer  ready  to  take  command. 

Eight  knots  an  hour  was  now  the  speed  of  the 
leading  ship.  The  range-finders  in  her  fighting- 
tops  were  taking  the  range  minute  by  minute, 
and  telephoning  the  result  to  the  conning-tower 
and  bridge.  A  leadsman  in  the  bow  was  watch- 
ing the  depth,  for  it  would  be  a  serious  matter 
to  touch  ground.  No  sound  was  heard  but  the 
regular  throb  of  the  powerful  engines. 

A  roar  like  thunder,  and  then  another,  and  a 
vast  fountain  of  water  thrown  skyward  amid 
encircling  clouds  of  smoke,  right  ahead  of  the 
Olympia — two  submarine  mines  have  been  fired, 
the  only  ones  in  the  bay;  but  the  Spanish  en- 
gineer officer  who  pressed  down  the  firing-key  in 
Sangley  battery  has  badly  misjudged  the  posi- 
tion of  the  enemy,  and  fired  his  heavy  mines  too 
soon.  Dewey  thinks,  no  doubt,  of  the  day, 
years  ago,  when,  as  he  steamed  into  Mobile  Bay 
with  Farragut,  he  saw  the  Confederate  mines 

[320] 


Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Battle  of  Manila 

bursting  like  under-water  volcanoes.  Like  Far- 
ragut,  he  moves  steadily  on. 

There  goes  the  first  gun  from  Sangley  Point. 
Bad  ranging  again  on  the  Spanish  side;  that  jet 
of  water  ahead  shows  it  has  fallen  short.  An- 
other and  another,  and  now  the  guns  of  the  Span- 
ish fleet  join  in.  They  are  getting  the  range,  or 
the  American  fleet  is  drifting  into  their  zone  of 
fire,  for  now  the  shells  are  striking  the  water 
right  and  left  of  the  flagship,  some  of  them  un- 
comfortably close.  When  is  Dewey  going  to 
open  with  his  guns  in  reply  ? 

Now  a  shell  bursts  directly  over  the  Olympiads 
deck.  No  one  is  touched,  but  the  men  must 
have  some  relief  from  their  pent-up  excitement. 
The  gunner  in  command  at  the  heavy  gun  astern 
waves  his  cap  and  calls  out,  "Remember  the 
Maine!"  and  the  cry  for  vengeance  is  taken  up 
by  a  hundred  voices. 

The  range  was  now  fifty-five  hundred  yards, 
a  little  over  three  miles.  It  was  just  nineteen 
minutes  to  six.  Dewey  decided  to  begin  his 
attack.  Turning  to  the  voice  tube  that  led  to 
the  conning-tower,  he  said,  "You  may  fire  when 
ready,  Gridley."  The  captain  was  only  waiting 
for  the  word.  He  passed  the  order  to  the  for- 
ward barbette  for  the  heavy  eight-inch  guns  to 
engage  the  battery  on  Sangley  Point. 

The  thunder  of  the  Olympiads  cannon  was  the 
[321] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXrn  Century 

signal  to  the  other  ships  to  begin.  The  Balti- 
more and  the  Boston  brought  their  heavy  guns  into 
action,  taking  for  their  mark  the  Castilla  and 
Montojo's  flagship,  the  Reina  Cristina.  The 
heavier  guns  of  the  American  navy  still  use  the 
old-fashioned  powder,  and  the  fleet  was  now 
advancing  through  a  dense  cloud  of  white  smoke. 

The  Spaniards  redoubled  their  fire,  and  as 
the  Olympia  led  the  line,  heading  straight  for 
the  enemy's  center,  she  was  the  mark  for  most 
of  it.  The  Spanish  gunners  shot  fairly  well, 
and  there  was  a  good  deal  of  luck  in  the  way  the 
flagship  escapecj,  serious  injury.  "Their  ship 
and  shore  guns  were  making  things  hot  for  us," 
wrote  the  New  York  Herald  correspondent,  who 
was  beside  the  Commodore.  "The  piercing 
scream  of  shot  was  varied  often  by  the  bursting 
of  time-fuse  shells,  the  fragments  of  which  would 
lash  the  water  like  shrapnel,  or  cut  our  hull  and 
rigging.  One  large  shell,  that  was  coming 
straight  at  the  Olympiads  forward  bridge,  for- 
tunately fell  within  less  than  a  hundred  feet  away, 
one  fragment  cutting  the  rigging  exactly  over  the 
heads  of  Lieutenants  Lamberton,  Rees,  and 
myself.  Another  struck  the  bridge  gratings  in 
line  with  it.  A  third  passed  just  under  Dewey, 
and  gouged  a  hole  in  the  deck." 

The  range  was  now  reduced  to  four  thousand 
yards.  The  water  was  shoaling,  and  the  flag- 

[322] 


Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Battle  of  Manila 

ship  turned  to  starboard,  and,  followed  by  the 
fleet,  ran  along  the  Spanish  front,  Dewey  giving 
the  order  to  open  fire  with  all  the  guns.  The 
rattle  of  the  quick-firers  mingled  with  the  heavier 
note  of  the  big  turret  guns,  and  a  storm  of  shells 
burst  upon  the  Spanish  ships  and  batteries. 

Opposite  Sangley  Point  the  fleet  turned  and 
ran  back  again  along  the  Spanish  line,  bringing 
the  guns  on  the  other  side  of  the  ships  to  bear. 
This  maneuver  of  running  up  and  down  the  line 
was  twice  repeated.  Those  of  the  Spanish  ships 
that  were  under  steam  also  altered  their  positions, 
occasionally  running  in  behind  the  anchored 
Castilla,  off  Sangley  Point. 

A  shell  burst  against  the  side  of  the  American 
flagship,  close  to  one  of  the  ports.  Another  cut 
the  halyards,  just  above  the  hands  of  the  signal- 
ling officer  on  her  after  bridge.  Captain  Grid- 
ley,  stepping  out  of  the  turret,  received  an  injury 
which,  although  it  was  thought  at  the  time  to  be 
a  very  trifling  matter,  led  soon  after  to  his  being 
invalided  home.  The  Baltimore  did  not  escape 
so  easily.  A  shot  passed  right  through  her,  hap- 
pily touching  no  one.  Then  a  shell  ripped  up 
her  main  deck,  smashed  the  carriage  of  a  six- 
inch  gun,  put  it  out  of  action,  and  exploding 
some  of  the  ammunition  that  lay  near  it,  seriously 
wounded  eight  men.  Another  small  shell  struck 
the  Boston's  foremast,  just  above  the  head  of  her 

[323] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

captain,  who  stood  on  her  forward  bridge. 
Luckily  for  him  it  failed  to  burst.  Fires  were 
caused  by  shells  bursting  in  her  wardroom  and 
hammock  nettings,  but  these  were  quickly  put 
out. 

But  meanwhile  it  was  going  badly  with  the 
Spanish  fleet.  The  battery  on  the  Point  was 
running  short  of  ammunition,  and  its  fire  had 
almost  ceased.  Close  by,  the  old  Castilla  had 
burst  into  flames  under  the  rain  of  shells.  Her 
guns  were  silent,  and  her  crew  was  abandoning 
her.  The  Reina  Cristina,  Montojo's  flagship, 
had  been  hit  some  seventy  times  in  the  first  three- 
quarters  of  an  hour.  Her  steering  gear  was 
shattered  by  a  shell,  which  made  her  unmanage- 
able. Another  burst  in  the  engine-room  and 
destroyed  the  main  pipe  of  the  condenser.  On 
the  gun  deck  men  were  lying  between  the  guns, 
dead,  or  desperately  wounded.  Montojo  him- 
self had  been  hit  by  a  fragment  of  a  shell,  but 
still  stuck  to  his  post,  with  a  handkerchief  tied 
round  his  wounded  leg.  The  chaplain  was 
killed  as  he  tried  to  help  a  wounded  sailor.  The 
boatswain  and  chief  gunner  were  dead.  One 
of  the  doctors,  the  chief  engineer,  and  three 
other  officers  were  wounded.  Some  fifty  men 
had  lost  their  lives,  and  three  times  as  many  were 
more  or  less  badly  injured  —  this  out  of  a  crew 
of  three  hundred  and  seventy  officers  and  men. 

[324] 


Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Battle  of  Manila 

Shortly  before  half-past  six  a  heavy  shell  burst 
in  the  after-part  of  the  flagship,  killing  a  number 
of  men  at  their  guns  and  setting  the  decks  on 
fire.  With  the  engines  disabled,  the  fire-hose 
could  not  be  got  to  work,  and  all  astern  was  in 
a  few  minutes  a  mass  of  flame.  The  admiral 
signalled  to  the  little  cruiser,  Isla  de  Cuba,  that 
he  would  transfer  his  flag  to  her,  and  told  Ca- 
darso,  the  captain  of  the  Reina  Cristina,  and 
one  of  the  finest  officers  in  the  Spanish  navy,  to 
abandon  the  burning  ship  and  to  save  the  few 
that  were  left  of  his  gallant  crew.  Some  boats 
were  got  away,  with  a  number  of  the  wounded 
on  board.  Others  of  the  men  swam  to  the 
Point.  The  admiral,  with  his  flag-lieutenant, 
was  rowed  to  the  Isla  de  Cuba,  on  which  he  dis- 
played his  flag.  Captain  Cadarso  was  about  to 
leave  the  burning  ship,  and  his  son,  a  lieutenant 
in  the  navy,  was  calling  to  him  to  come  into  his 
boat,  when  a  shell  burst  just  over  the  captain's 
head  and  killed  him  on  the  spot. 

Montojo  was  also  accompanied  by  his  son,  a 
naval  lieutenant,  and  the  young  man,  like  his 
father,  was  wounded  by  a  bursting  shell.  No 
sooner  had  the  Isla  de  Cuba  hoisted  the  admiral's 
flag:  than  she,  and  the  Isla  de  Luzon  which  lay 

^o  * 

near  her,  became  the  center  of  the  American  fire. 
Dewey 's  fleet  had  closed  in  to  a  range  of  only 
two  thousand  yards,  and  was  running  along  the 

[325] 


Famous  Battles .  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

line  for  the  fifth  time.  Three  little  torpedo  boats 
dashed  out  from  behind  Cavite  and  tried  to  close 
with  the  enemy.  Such  an  attack  in  broad  day- 
light was  a  piece  of  heroic  madness.  They 
ought  to  have  been  lurking  in  the  darkness  under 
Corregidor  Island  the  night  before;  then  they 
might  have  done  something.  As  it  was,  they 
were  destroyed  by  the  American  quick-firers 
before  they  could  come  within  striking  distance. 
The  little  wooden  gunboat,  Isla  de  Mindanao, 
ran  ashore  on  the  east  side  of  the  bay.  Shells 
from  the  Concord  and  Petrel  soon  set  her  on  fire, 
and  her  crew  abandoned  her.  It  is  curious  to 
note  that  her  chief  engineer  was  a  Scotchman 
named  McKinley,  the  namesake  of  the  American 
President. 

The  Spanish  ships  were  now  in  a  sad  plight. 
Riddled  by  the  American  fire,  with  their  decks 
strewed  with  dead,  and  slippery  with  blood,  fur- 
ther resistance  was  mere  useless  slaughter. 
Montojo  ran  the  Isla  de  Cuba  into  Bakor  Bay, 
behind  Cavite,  and  signalled  to  the  other  ships 
to  follow,  and  then  reluctantly  hoisted  his  last 
order  to  his  shattered  fleet:  "Scuttle  and  aban- 
don your  ships."  This  was  about  half-past 
seven.  The  captains  took  away  with  them  the 
breech-pieces  of  the  guns  so  as  to  make  them 
useless  in  case  the  victors  recovered  them,  and 
then  landed  their  crews,  placing  the  wounded 

[326] 


Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Battle  of  Manila 

under  guard  in  the  villages,  and  marching  the 
rest  of  their  men  into  Manila. 

At  twenty-five  minutes  to  eight  Dewey  sig- 
nalled to  his  fleet  to  draw  off  out  of  action  and 
give  the  men  breakfast.  They  had  gone  into 
the  fight  after  having  taken  only  a  cup  of  coffee, 
and  the  crews  were  well-nigh  exhausted  with  the 
heat,  toil,  and  excitement  of  the  cannonade, 
which  had  lasted  for  nearly  two  hours.  One  by 
one  the  ships  steamed  past  the  flagship  and  out 
into  the  open  water  of  Manila  Bay,  and  as  each 
went  by,  her  crew  crowded  rigging  and  bulwarks 
and  cheered  the  Commodore.  The  burning 
and  sinking  Spanish  ships  were  all  that  was  left 
of  the  hostile  fleet.  The  shore  batteries  were 
silent,  and  in  front  of  Manila,  crowds  watched 
the  strange  scene. 

Montojo's  impression  was  that  the  American 
fleet  had  suffered  heavy  loss  from  his  fire,  and 
that  they  were  drawing  off  to  get  their  wounded 
ashore,  repair  damages,  and  obtain  a  fresh  sup- 
ply of  ammunition  from  the  storeships,  which 
had  kept  well  out  of  range  during  the  fight.  In- 
deed, a  first  message  from  Manila  to  Madrid  by 
the  still  undamaged  cable  claimed  that  a  victory 
had  been  won  for  Spain. 

At  eleven  o'clock  the  American  squadron  was 
again  under  weigh.  It  steamed  towards  Cavite 
in  two  lines,  one  consisting  of  the  Olympia,  Bal- 

[3271 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

timore,  and  Concord,  the  other  of  the  Raleigh. 
Boston,  and  Petrel.  At  a  quarter-past  eleven 
they  opened  fire  on  the  Sangley  Point  battery 
and  on  Cavite  arsenal  and  fort  at  long  range. 
The  Spanish  reply  was  slow  and  feeble,  the  shells 
all  falling  short.  It  was  for  the  Americans  more 
like  target  practice  than  a  battle.  Soon  a  white 
flag  was  run  up  on  Cavite.  Fire  ceased  for  a 
few  minutes  while  a  launch  went  in  from  the 
fleet  to  parley  with  the  commandant.  He  said 
he  did  not  want  to  surrender,  but  only  to  have 
time  to  get  the  women  and  children  out  of 
Cavite. 

The  American  officer  answered  that  he  had  no 
wish  to  cause  useless  bloodshed,  but  that  he  was 
determined  to  destroy  the  arsenal  and  what  was 
left  of  the  fleet.  Then  for  awhile  Cavite  was  left 
unmolested,  while  the  larger  ships  engaged  the 
Sangley  Point  battery,  and  the  smaller  ships, 
the  Petrel  and  Concord,  stood  into  Bakor  Bay, 
and  with  their  shells  set  fire  to  the  ships  that 
were  scuttled  and  aground  in  the  shallows.  At 
half-past  eleven  a-  heavy  shell  burst  in  the  bat- 
tery, sending  up  a  huge  column  of  earth  and 
debris.  After  this  the  guns  at  Sangley  were 
silent.  The  ships  in  the  bay  were  all  ablaze. 
Cavite  reopened  fire  for  a  few  minutes,  then 
about  twelve  the  last  shot  was  fired  by  the  Span- 
iards, and  a  few  minutes  later  Dewey  signalled 

[328] 


Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Battle  of  Manila 

to  cease  firing.  The  victory  was  complete.  The 
Spanish  Pacific  squadron  had  ceased  to  exist. 
And  this  great  success  had  been  cheaply  bought. 
Eight  officers  and  men  wounded  represented  the 
American  injury  by  the  Spanish  fire.  The  chief 
engineer  of  the  despatch-boat  McCulloch  was 
dead.  He  had  died  of  heat  apoplexy  during 
the  fight. 

The  Spaniards  had  lost  some  eight  hundred 
men.  No  praise  could  be  too  high  for  their  de- 
voted valor.  When  Captain  Boado,  the  chief 
of  Montojo's  staff,  went  on  board  the  Boston 
with  a  message  from  the  admiral  after  the  action, 
Lamberton,  her  commander,  said  to  the  Spanish 
officer,  "You  have  fought  us  with  four  very  bad 
ships,  not  warships.  There  was  never  seen  be- 
fore braver  fighting  under  such  unequal  condi- 
tions. It  is  a  great  pity  that  you  exposed  your 
lives  in  vessels  not  fit  for  fighting."  And  Dewey 
sent  through  the  British  consul  a  message  to 
Montojo  that  he  congratulated  him  on  his  gal- 
lant conduct,  and  would  be  glad  to  grasp  his 
hand. 


[329] 


XIV 

With  Roosevelt  on  San 
Juan  Hilll 

By  A.  HILLIARD  ATTERIDGE 

THE  morning  of  June  22  broke  clear  and 
fine,  with  very  little  surf  along  the  shore. 
It  was  ideal  weather  for   the  landing. 
All  along  the  coast  for  miles  west  and  east  of 
Santiago  American  battleships  and  cruisers  were 
bombarding   every   likely   landing-place,    while 
on  the  land  side  here  and  there  the  Cuban  bands 
came   down   and   opened   fire   on    the  Spanish 
outposts. 

At  nine  o'clock  the  cruisers  Machias,  Detroit, 
and  Suwanee,  and  the  gunboat  Wasp,  joined 
the  New  Orleans,  and  a  rain  of  shells  was  sent 
pouring  into  the  wooded  slopes  above  Daiquiri 
and  into  the  little  village.  Soon  flames  and 
smoke  rose  from  some  of  the  houses.  The 
Spaniards  had  fired  the  village  before  abandon- 
ing it.  There  were  only  a  handful  of  them  in 
the  place,  not  more  than  a  company  of  infantry. 
They  left  the  pier  intact,  no  explosives  were 
available  for  its  destruction,  and  they  also  evacu- 

[330] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

ated  a  blockhouse  on  the  hill  above  the  place. 
Here  they  were  exchanging  distant  long-range 
rifle  fire  with  the  Cuban  guerillas ,  who  were 
working  up  the  other  side  of  the  hill,  but  natu- 
rally not  anxious  to  come  too  close  to  the  crest 
while  the  bombardment  was  still  in  progress. 

Not  a  single  shot  had  replied  to  the  fire  of  the 
warships,  and  at  half-past  nine  it  was  believed 
that  the  way  was  clear  for  the  landing.  The 
troops  had  already  been  got  into  the  boats  of  the 
transports,  and  the  steam  launches  of  the  fleet 
took  them  in  tow  in  strings  of  four  or  five,  and 
began  puffing  in  towards  Daiquiri  pier.  There 
was  no  resistance.  The  only  difficulty  in  land- 
ing was  that  caused  by  the  surf.  The  troops 
first  landed  belonged  to  the  Second  Division, 
commanded  by  General  Lawton,  one  of  the  vol- 
unteer officers  of  the  Civil  War.  The  first  regi- 
ment actually  landed  was  the  Eighth  Regular 
Infantry,  though  the  first  man  ashore  was  Lieu- 
tenant Godfrey  of  the  Twenty-second. 

Lawton  pushed  an  outpost  line  into  the  hills, 
and  set  the  engineers  to  strengthen  the  pier  for 
the  landing  of  artillery.  He  established  his 
headquarters  in  what  was  left  of  the  village.  A 
handful  of  Cuban  guerillas  were  already  in  pos- 
session. They  had  slipped  in  as  soon  as  the 
Spaniards  let  go  their  hold  of  the  place.  More 
of  them  marched  in  during  the  day.  Here  is 

[331] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

an  impression  of  their  appearance  as  sketched 
in  words  by  one  of  the  English  correspondents, 
Mr.  Hands  of  the  Daily  Mail: 

"Down  the  rocky  path  came  a  Cuban  army. 
They  limped  along  in  single  file.  Their  trousers 
were  strips  of  tattered  canvas,  through  which 
thin  brown  legs  showed.  Their  knapsacks  were 
bundles  of  dirty  canvas  matting  slung  with 
knotted  ends  of  rope.  A  few  wore  boots,  which 
when  they  were  acquired,  were  somebody's  cast- 
offs.  Some  wore  sandals  made  of  bits  of  canvas 
tied  over  their  naked  feet  with  string.  Most 
were  barefooted,  and  their  feet  were  sore  and 
bleeding.  They  were  much  better  armed  than 
otherwise  equipped,  and  evidently  a  proportion 
of  the  arms  sent  for  their  use  from  Tampa  had 
reached  them.  There  was  something  curiously 
Eastern  in  their  white  clothes  and  their  small 
features  and  dark,  wistful  eyes,  and  when  their 
leader  came  along  perched  on  a  donkey,  and 
carrying  a  great  broad-bladed  machete,  the  East- 
ern suggestion  was  intensified.  They  shambled 
along  in  single  file  down  the  rocky  path,  along 
the  track  across  the  swamp  behind,  and  wound 
among  the  palm  trees  in  the  valley,  till  they  dis- 
appeared behind  the  shoulder  of  one  of  the  hills 
in  the  second  row.  I  am  sure  they  were  quite 
persuaded  that  they  had  achieved  a  great  victory 
over  the  hated  Spaniard,  and  were  wondering 

[332] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

why  all  these  strange,  blue-coated,  white-skinned, 
big  men  were  getting  in  the  way." 

They  did  not  get  on  very  well  with  their  new 
allies,  the  American  regulars.  The  Cubans  did 
not  understand  any  kind  of  fighting  but  their 
own  irregular,  indecisive  skirmishing  in  the  bush. 
They  left  the  heavy  work  of  tackling  General 
Linares  behind  his  blockhouses  and  trenches  for 
the  newcomers.  In  their  own  fashion  they  were 
ready  enough  to  co-operate,  and  they  did  some 
useful  work,  but  it  was  not  the  steady,  system- 
atic campaigning  that  the  Americans  expected  of 
them,  and  the  Cuban  insurgent,  whom  the  New 
York  papers  had  represented  as  a  conquering 
hero,  made  a  very  bad  impression  when  it  was 
realized  that  instead  of  charging  with  the  ma- 
chete, he  preferred  wasting  ammunition  at  im- 
possible ranges;  that  he  gave  no  quarter,  was 
ready  to  plunder,  and  never  failed  to  put  in  his 
appearance  when  anything  was  to  be  had  either 
for  the  asking  or  the  taking.  From  the  moment 
when  the  Spanish  and  United  States  armies  met 
in  battle  near  Santiago,  there  was  among  the 
Americans  a  growing  disgust  for  their  allies,  a 
growing  esteem  for  their  brave  enemies. 

The  blockhouse  on  the  hill  was  occupied  and 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  hoisted  on  its  flagstaff. 
The  landing  went  on  steadily  all  the  afternoon. 
The  greater  part  of  Lawton's  division  was  landed, 

[333] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

and  part  of  General  Bates'  brigade,  belonging 
to  the  First  Division,  besides  a  portion  of  Wheel- 
er's dismounted  cavalry.  None  of  the  artillery 
could  yet  be  got  ashore,  the  only  guns  landed 
being  a  machine-gun  battery.  Nor  was  much 
of  the  transport  disembarked.  Some  horses 
and  mules  were  dropped  overboard  and  made  to 
swim  ashore.  Altogether,  by  evening,  General 
Lawton  had  some  six  thousand  men  landed,  and 
had  besides  with  him  about  one  thousand  Cubans 
under  General  Castillo. 

The  Spanish  detachments  that  had  watched 
the  hills  and  the  coast  villages  were  retiring  west- 
ward towards  Santiago.  Linares  had  decided 
that  it  was  useless  to  fritter  away  his  small  force 
by  trying  to  hold  the  numerous  blockhouses  to 
the  eastward,  nor  did  he  mean  to  expose  his  men 
to  the  fire  of  the  American  warships.  On  the 
evening  of  the  22d  his  outposts  were  at  Sevilla 
and  Firmeza,  north  of  Juragua  and  the  coast 
village  of  Siboney,  both  of  them  some  miles  west 
of  Daiquiri.  Before  Siboney  was  evacuated  the 
Spanish  detachment  there  had  lost  heavily,  and 
its  commander,  Major  Bollini,  had  been  killed 
by  a  bursting  shell.  The  evacuation  of  the  vil- 
lage and  the  hills  behind  it  gave  the  Americans  a 
new  landing-place,  for  in  the  bay  of  Siboney 
there  was  a  level  beach,  shelving  regularly,  so 

[334] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

that  boats  could' land  men  and  stores,  and  ani- 
mals could  easily  be  swum  ashore. 

The  fight  at  Las  Guasimas  would  count  as  a 
big  skirmish  in  a  European  war.  But  it  has 
some  importance  as  the  opening  action  of  the 
Santiago  land  campaign.  The  first  accounts 
published  of  it  were  very  misleading,  but  in  an 
unusual  way.  The  contemporary  newspaper 
reports  of  the  bombardments  had  exaggerated 
the  success  of  the  American  arms;  the  first  re- 
ports of  Las  Guasimas  did  the  Americans,  and 
especially  Roosevelt's  men,  serious  injustice. 
According  to  these  narratives  the  Americans 
were  advancing  through  thick  bush  without  any 
ordinary  military  precautions  —  laughing,  talk- 
ing and  whistling,  with  neither  vanguard  nor 
flankers  to  protect  them  —  when  they  stumbled 
unexpectedly  on  the  Spaniards,  and  were  badly 
cut  up  as  the  result  of  their  own  carelessness  and 
lack  of  discipline.  But  from  what  has  been  al- 
ready said  of  Wheeler's  orders  and  plans,  it  must 
be  clear  that  if  either  Wood  or  Young  marched 
into  an  ambuscade  on  the  24th,  they  must  have 
done  it  with  their  eyes  open.  When  they 
marched  off  before  dawn  they  knew,  roughly, 
where  they  might  expect  to  meet  the  Spaniards; 
both  columns  had  their  advance  covered  by 
Cuban  and  American  scouts,  and  it  was  well 
known  that  once  they  had  covered  the  first  two 

[335] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

miles  out  from  Siboney,  they  might  expect  at 
any  moment  to  meet  an  enemy. 

What  really  occurred  we  know  down  to  the 
smallest  detail,  for  there  were  some  of  the  ablest 
correspondents  of  the  New  York  press  with  both 
the  columns.  Amongst  others,  Mr.  Richard 
Harding  Davis  of  the  Herald,  and  Mr.  Edward 
Marshall  of  the  Journal,  were  with  Colonel 
Wood,  and  Mr.  Caspar  Whitney  was  with  Gen- 
eral Young.  They  not  only  sent  long  despatches 
to  their  papers  at  the  time,  but  several  of  them 
have  since  published  lengthy  narratives  of  the 
fight.  On  these  data,  compared  with  each  other 
and  with  the  Spanish  official  account  of  the  day's 
work,  the  following  story  of  the  action  of  Las 
Guasimas  is  based.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  day 
was  an  honorable  one  for  all  who  took  part  in 
the  little  battle. 

Just  before  dawn  on  Friday  morning  General 
Young  marched  out  from  Siboney  with  his  four 
hundred  regulars,  black  and  white,  and  his 
Hotchkiss  guns.  He  had  expected  to  be  joined 
early  in  his  advance  by  three  hundred  of  Gen- 
eral Castillo's  Cubans,  but  though  he  actually 
marched  past  their  camps,  none  of  them,  except 
a  few  scouts,  came  to  his  help  till  all  the  fighting 
was  over. 

It  was  a  close,  hot  morning.  The  recent  rains 
had  made  the  ground  on  the  track  and  in  the 

[336] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

woods  soft  and  muddy.  The  so-called  road 
proved  in  places  to  be  almost  impassable.  The 
bush  grew  down  upon  it,  and  the  tangle  of  cac- 
tus, thorn  trees,  and  palms  formed  such  a  dense 
mass  away  to  the  left  that  during  the  march  not 
a  glimpse  was  to  be  seen  of  the  Rough  Riders' 
column,  which  was  following  the  path  on  the 
wooded  spur  on  that  side. 

At  first  the  regulars  tramped  along  the  muddy 
tracking,  chatting,  and  joking  together,  though 
even  in  this  early  stage  of  the  march  the  advance 
was  covered  by  a  screen  of  vigilant  scouts  well  in 
front.  A  mile  and  a  half  from  Siboney,  as  it  was 
felt  that  the  point  of  danger  was  being  ap- 
proached, the  order  was  given  to  '"load  maga- 
zines," and  in  an  instant  all  were  silent  and  on 
the  alert.  Then  the  advance  was  resumed. 
Mr.  Whitney  thus  describes  the  anxious  min- 
utes before  the  first  contact  with  the  enemy.  To 
understand  what  he  says  as  to  how  the  column 
was  protected  it  must  be  noted  that  the  word 
"picket,"  which  in  the  British  army  means  the 
body  of  men  on  an  outpost  line  that  sends  out 
and  immediately  supports  the  sentries,  in  the 
United  States  means  a  sentry  or  a  scout. 

"We  moved  forward,"  he  says,  "now  with 
one  troop  somewhat  in  advance  of  the  others, 
and  a  strong  line  of  pickets  reconnoitring  every 

[337] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

step  of  the  way,  one  hundred  yards  in  the  lead. 
Aside  from  the  soft  cooing  of  doves  beyond,  in 
the  trees  we  could  not  see,  no  sound  broke  upon 
the  still  morning  air  save  the  squash  of  feet  in 
the  mud,  and  the  occasional  rattle  of  a  canteen 
as  it  swung  against  the  metal  bayonet  scabbard 
at  the  soldier's  hip.  There  was  no  talking  in 
the  ranks  now.  Every  one  was  alert  and  silent. 
Soon  there  came  another  halt,  and  going  for- 
ward beyond  the  outermost  picket,  across  a  creek 
and  up  a  gentle  rise  of  ground,  Lieutenant  By- 
ram  and  I  found  General  Young,  Colonel  Bell, 
and  Captain  Watson  crouched  behind  the  bushes, 
diligently  studying  a  prominent  hill  on  our  left 
front,  about  fifteen  hundred  yards  away.  As 
Byram  and  I  drew  near,  General  Young  faced 
us,  and  nodding  his  head  in  the  direction  of  the 
hill,  said  quietly,  'Spaniards!'  and  then  equally 
as  quietly  to  Byram,  '  Order  the  Hotchkiss  guns 
forward  at  once;  ten  minutes  later  bring  up  the 
troops;  tell  the  men  to  go  quietly.' ' 

The  hill  to  the  "left  front"  held  by  the  Span- 
iards was  just  north  of  the  point  where  the  road 
curved  away  to  the  westward  to  meet  the  other 
track.  This  hill  was  a  bold  knoll,  the  end  of  a 
long  spur  lying  east  and  west.  The  Spaniards, 
six  companies  of  infantry  and  some  guerillas 
under  Colonel  Alcaniz,  had  a  machine  gun  near 
the  summit.  Among  the  grass  and  bushes  on 

[338] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

the  slope  they  had  dug  shelter  trenches,  and 
made  some  rough  breastworks  of  loose  stone. 
Their  left  on  an  adjoining  slope  could  sweep  the 
front  of  the  hill  with  a  cross  fire.  Their  right 
was  in  the  bush  on  the  other  side  of  the  valley, 
holding  the  northern  end  of  the  spur  by  which 
the  Rough  Riders  were  advancing.  All  this 
was  only  gradually  discovered  by  the  Americans 
as  the  fight  developed.  The  Spaniards  had  no 
intention  of  holding  on  doggedly  to  the  very  ex- 
tended line  taken  up  by  their  small  force.  Al- 
caniz  was  fighting  a  rearguard  action  to  cover 
the  general  retirement  of  the  outlying  Spanish 
detachments  by  Sevilla  or  Santiago.  He  had 
held  the  Las  Guasimas  ridges  for  forty-eight 
hours,  and  would  necessarily  retire  if  attacked 
in  force,  only  showing  enough  fight  to  delay  the 
advance  of  the  invaders  from  Siboney. 

Two  of  the  Hotchkiss  guns  were  placed  in 
position  to  the  left  of  the  road  near  the  beginning 
of  its  curve  to  the  west.  They  were  carefully 
screened  in  the  bush,  for  Young  was  anxious 
not  to  begin  the  action  till  he  had  given  Wood's 
column  a  little  more  time  to  come  up  on  his  left. 
The  guns  were  ready  at  seven  o'clock,  but  it  was 
not  till  seven-twenty  that  they  began  to  shell  the 
Spanish  position  on  the  hill.  The  enemy's  rifles 
answered  by  a  volley  so  accurately  aimed  that  one 
of  the  gunners  was  killed  beside  his  piece.  Three 

[339] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

troops  of  the  First  Cavalry  were  already  working 
forward  through  the  bush  towards  the  hill  in 
front,  the  fourth  troop  working  up  the  hollow 
of  a  creek  or  stream  to  the  left.  They  now 
opened  fire,  and  were  promptly  answered  by 
volleys  of  the  fire  of  scattered  sharpshooters  in  the 
bush  and  grass  on  the  slopes  in  front,  and  above 
all  rang  out  the  rapid  crackling  fire  of  the  ma- 
chine gun  near  the  hill-top.  Several  men  and 
officers  went  down  before  this  heavy  fire,  the 
leading  troop  of  the  First  Cavalry  losing  in  rapid 
succession  its  captain,  lieutenant,  and  senior 
sergeant.  Young  had  still  in  hand  the  four 
troops  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry  —  negro  soldiers 
with  useful  experience  of  Indian  warfare  in  the 
Far  West.  He  sent  one  troop  up  the  creek  to 
strengthen  his  left,  and  pushed  out  two  more  to 
the  right,  where  the  close  and  heavy  fire  of  the 
Spaniards  east  of  the  hill  made  him  think  that 
they  were  trying  to  outflank  him.  The  fourth 
troop  he  kept  in  reserve  on  the  road. 

Meanwhile  the  other  column,  composed  of  the 
Rough  Riders,  had  also  come  in  contact  with 
the  Spaniards,  and  was  hotly  engaged  in  a  close 
fight  in  the  dense  bush  that  covered  the  long 
spur  to  the  left  of  the  road.  The  column  had 
marched  at  5  A.M.,  for  the  first  part  of  the  march 
was  up  a  steep  ascent,  and  then  the  track  rose 
and  fell  along  the  ridge  and  was  only  a  muddy, 

[340] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

ill-marked  footpath  through  dense  cactus  and 
thorn  bush,  tangled  with  tropical  creepers  in 
the  thickest  parts,  but  sometimes  broken  by  a 
grassy  clearing. 

Captain  Alwyn  Capron,  commanding  the 
troop  of  the  Rough  Riders,  was  in  advance  with 
the  scouts,  some  of  them  Cubans  of  the  district, 
the  rest  men  of  his  own  troop.  At  six  he  sent 
back  word  to  Colonel  Wood  that  the  enemy  was 
in  position  in  the  bush  in  front.  Wood  and 
Roosevelt  sent  forward  a  reinforcement  to  sup- 
port Capron,  who  had  advanced  to  reconnoitre 
the  enemy,  and  they  then  halted  the  column  and 
deployed  five  troops,  partly  in  the  grass  of  a 
clearing  to  the  left,  partly  in  the  bush  to  the  right 
of  the  track.  The  three  other  troops  were  in 
reserve.  But  these  arrangements  had  hardly 
been  made  when  the  Spaniards  opened  fire  at 
close  range  in  front.  None  of  them  were  visible. 
The  volleys  from  the  unseen  rifles  rang  out  sharp 
and  near,  and  the  Mauser  bullets  came  ripping 
through  the  bush,  sweeping  low  along  the 
ground. 

The  advanced  troop  had  suffered  heavily. 
The  first  man  to  fall  shot  dead  beside  his  cap- 
tain was  Sergeant  Hamilton  Fish,  a  wealthy 
young  New  York  man,  a  leader  in  fashionable 
life,  who  had  enlisted  in  the  ranks  of  the  Rough 
Riders  and  had  just  received  his  sergeant's 

[341] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

stripes.  A  few  minutes  later  C apron  fell  mor- 
tally wounded.  He  was  only  twenty-eight  years 
old,  a  lieutenant  of  the  Seventh  Regular  Cavalry, 
who  had  been  transferred  to  Roosevelt's  new 
regiment  with  a  captain's  commission.  He  came 
of  a  soldier  family.  His  father  was  actually  in 
command  of  E  battery  of  the  First  Artillery  in 
Shafter's  army;  his  grandfather,  Captain  Allyn 
Capron,  had  been  killed  in  action  while  com- 
manding the  same  battery  at  Cherubusco  in  the 
Mexican  campaign.  Young  Capron,  who  fell 
at  Las  Guasimas,  had  entered  the  regular  cav- 
alry as  a  private,  and  won  his  commission  by 
good  service.  Roosevelt  spoke  of  him  as  one 
of  the  best  officers  he  had  ever  met. 

Most  of  the  dozen  men  that  formed  the  point 
of  the  advance  guard  were  struck  down  by  the 
first  two  volleys  of  the  Spaniards.  The  second 
sergeant  of  the  second  party,  Marcus  Russell, 
was  killed  just  after  his  comrade  Fish.  Russell 
was  another  "ranker"  of  good  family,  and  had 
held  the  commission  of  a  colonel  on  the  staff  of 
the  Governor  of  his  State  before  the  war.  An- 
other of  the  scouts  was  disabled,  not  by  the  Span- 
ish fire,  but  by  a  defective  cartridge  that  ex- 
ploded as  he  closed  the  breech  of  his  carbine. 
He  staggered  back  blinded  to  the  firing  line. 

The  Rough  Riders  had  opened  fire  as  soon 
as  the  first  volley  rattled  through  the  trees. 

[342] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

Some  of  the  cow-boy  soldiers  gave  vent  to  their 
excitement  in  wild  oaths,  but  Roosevelt's  voice 
was  heard  sternly  commanding:  "Stop  that 
swearing.  I  don't  want  to  hear  any  cursing 
to-day."  The  men  were  soon  perfectly  in  hand. 
It  had  been  predicted  that  the  cow-boys  and 
hunters,  once  they  were  in  action,  would  shoot 
according  to  their  own  independent  judgment, 
and  pay  very  little  heed  to  orders;  but  in  this 
Las  Guasimas  fight  the  men  fired  volleys,  waiting 
patiently  for  the  order  to  fire  and  not  wasting 
ammunition  wildly,  They  threw  away  all  im- 
pedimenta, even  their  water  bottles,  keeping 
only  their  rifles  and  cartridge  belts,  and  then 
began  working  forward  through  the  bush,  keep- 
ing a  very  good  line.  The  Spaniards  were  re- 
tiring slowly  from  the  firsto  Twice  they  stood 
for  awhile  and  checked  the  American  advance, 
and  the  tangle  of  the  wood  was  so  thick  that  any 
rapid  movement  was  impossible.  Roosevelt 
took  personal  command  of  the  left  of  the  line, 
Wood  sending  him  one  of  the  reserve  companies. 
The  other  two  were  extended  to  the  right  towards 
the  valley,  in  order  to  give  touch  with  General 
Young's  column  of  regulars,  but  the  fight  had 
been  more  than  an  hour  in  progress  before  this 
was  effected.  The  firing  had  begun  in  the  wood 
long  before  Young  came  into  action  in  the  val- 
ley, but  the  regulars  do  not  seem  for  some  time 

[343] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

to  have  been  aware  of  the  firing  on  their  left. 
The  two  columns  were  then  deployed  in  one  long 
line,  partly  hid  in  bush,  partly  in  the  open.  The 
Spaniards  were  retiring  from  the  ridge,  on  which 
the  Rough  Riders  were  advancing;  their  left  had 
fallen  back  on  the  hill  where  their  machine  guns 
had  been  in  action,  and  they  were  preparing  for 
the  final  retirement  on  Sevilla. 

The  news  of  the  fight  was  conveyed  to  Siboney 
while  it  was  still  in  progress  by  an  officer  who 
galloped  in  with  the  message  that  the  cavalry 
had  attacked  the  Spaniards,  and  were  meeting 
with  a  dogged  resistance.  Soon  after,  wounded 
men  began  to  come  limping  in  from  the  front, 
and  an  infantry  battalion  was  hurried  off  to  re- 
inforce the  fighting  line.  When  it  arrived  the 
action  was  over.  Once  the  more  open  country 
near  the  foot  of  the  two  paths  was  reached,  the 
Spaniards  had  retreated  rapidly.  The  Tenth 
Cavalry  on  the  right  had  dashed  up  the  hill  from 
which  the  machine  guns  were  retiring.  On  the 
left,  Roosevelt,  rifle  in  hand,  at  the  head  of  three 
troops  of  his  Rough  Riders,  had  rushed  a  ruined 
sugar  factory  where  the  Spanish  rearguard  had 
made  a  brief  stand.  The  fight  had  lasted  an 
hour  and  a  half.  The  Spaniards  had  inflicted 
a  severe  loss  on  the  attacking  force,  but  they  had 
abandoned  their  position  before  the  persistent 
advance  of  the  Americans;  and  although  it  was 

[344] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

true  that  Colonel  Alcaniz  had  never  meant  to  do 
more  than  make  a  show  of  resistance,  the  per- 
fectly legitimate  impression  alike  in  the  ranks  of 
Young's  regulars  and  Wood  and  Roosevelt's 
volunteers  was  that  they  had  won  a  brilliant 
little  victory.  It  was  a  most  encouraging  open- 
ing for  the  campaign. 

The  losses  of  the  victors  had  been  heavy. 
Among  the  wounded  was  Mr.  Edward  Mar- 
shall, a  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Journal. 
Shot  through  the  back  near  the  spine,  and  partly 
paralyzed,  he  was  carried  to  the  field  hospital, 
where  he  was  told  he  had  not  long  to  live. 
Lying  on  the  stretcher,  he  dictated  the  story  of 
the  battle  to  be  telegraphed  to  his  paper.  It 
was  written  down  by  one  of  the  volunteers  who 
knew  shorthand,  and  it  was  only  when  the  long 
telegram  was  completed  that  Marshall  discovered 
that  his  kindly  helper  had  been  writing  with  a 
wounded  hand. 

Mr.  Marshall  recovered  against  all  hope,  and 
has  since  told  his  impressions  when  the  Spanish 
bullet  struck  him  down.  He  seems  to  have  felt 
very  little  pain,  though  this  was  not  the  impres- 
sion of  those  who  saw  him.  Mr.  Harding  Davis 
says:  "When  I  saw  him  he  was  suffering  the 
most  terrible  agonies  and  passing  through  a  suc- 
cession of  convulsions."  But  it  seems  that  these 
convulsive  movements  were  not  conscious  for 

[345] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXxn  Century 

Mr.  Marshall,  according  to  his  own  account  of 
what  he  felt  when  he  was  hit.  "The  bullet,'* 
he  says,  "came  diagonally  from  the  left.  I  was 
standing  in  the  open.  'Chug'  came  the  bullet, 
and  I  fell  into  the  long  grass,  as  much  like  a 
lump  as  had  the  other  fellows  whom  I  had  seen 
go  down.  There  was  no  pain,  no  surprise.  The 
tremendous  shock  so  dulled  my  sensibilities  that 
it  did  not  occur  to  me  that  anything  extraordi- 
nary had  happened  —  that  there  was  the  least 
reason  to  be  worried.  I  merely  lay  perfectly 
satisfied  and  entirely  comfortable  in  the  long 
grass.  It  was  a  long  time  before  anyone  came 
near  me.  The  fighting  passed  away  from  me 
rapidly.  There  were  only  left  in  the  neighbor- 
hood the  dead,  other  wounded,  and  a  few  first- 
aid-for-the-injured  men,  who  were  searching  for 
us.  I  heard  two  of  these  men  go  by  calling  out 
to  the  wounded  to  make  their  whereabouts 
known,  but  it  did  not  occur  to  me  to  answer 
them.  The  sun  was  very  hot,  and  I  had  some 
vague  thoughts  of  sunstroke,  but  they  were  not 
specially  interesting  thoughts,  and  I  gave  them 
up.  It  seemed  a  good  notion  to  go  to  sleep,  but 
I  didn't  do  it.  Finally  three  soldiers  found  me, 
and  putting  half  a  shelter-tent  under  me  carried 
me  to  the  shade." 

The  surgeon  came  along  and  examined  his 
wound.     "He   told   me,"    says   Mr.   Marshall, 

[346] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

"I  was  about  to  die.  The  news  was  not  pleas- 
ant, but  it  did  not  interest  me  particularly. 
*  Don't  you  want  to  send  any  messages  home  ? ' 
he  asked.  'If  you  do,  you'd  better  write  'em  — 
be  quick!"  He  was  carried  back  to  the  hos- 
pital at  Siboney.  There  he  dictated  his  letter. 
He  was  sufficiently  alert  to  do  this,  but  although 
he  seemed  to  be  in  pain  he  felt  none.  Possibly 
this  is  the  case  with  the  wounded  on  the  battle- 
field oftener  than  we  suspect.  The  very  shock 
of  the  wound  dulls  all  sensibility  for  a  time. 

It  was  not  till  the  afternoon  of  June  30  the 
advance  was  resumed.  The  troops  were  moved 
up  to  the  edge  of  the  woods  facing  Santiago,  and 
bivouacked  in  the  moonlight  in  battle  array.  It 
was  expected  that  the  Spanish  works  would  be 
stormed  and  the  city  taken  next  day,  July  1. 

The  battle  fought  before  Santiago  on  July  1 
has  been  called  sometimes  the  battle  of  El  Caney, 
and  sometimes  the  battle  of  San  Juan.  There 
were  really  two  battles,  one  on  the  American 
right  at  El  Caney,  another  on  the  left  between 
El  Pozo  and  the  hill  of  San  Juan,  besides  some 
skirmishing  on  the  coast  at  Aguadores.  It  will 
make  the  events  of  the  day  clearer  if  we  begin 
by  describing  the  fight  for  El  Caney,  which  held 
the  first  place  in  General  Shafter's  plan  for  the 
day's  operations. 

The  three  brigades  of  Lawton's  division  des- 
[347] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

lined  for  the  attack  of  El  Caney  passed  the  night 
on  the  edge  of  the  woods  fronting  the  Spanish 
position.  No  fires  were  allowed  in  the  bivouacs, 
and  the  soldiers  were  told  to  make  as  little  noise 
as  possible,  for  it  was  feared  that  if  the  enemy 
became  aware  of  the  preparations  in  progress 
for  the  attack  he  might  abandon  the  little  town 
without  fighting,  and  the  plan  of  operations  had 
for  its  object  not  the  mere  occupation  of  El  Caney 
but  the  capture  of  its  garrison.  The  Americans 
at  this  period  very  much  underestimated  the 
fighting  capacity  of  the  Spaniards,  and  every  one 
in  the  attacking  force  believed  that  even  if  the 
Spaniards  did  not  give  way  before  the  mere 
menace  of  an  attack,  they  would  be  driven  out 
by  the  first  rush. 

At  sunrise  the  men  were  roused  from  their 
sleep,  and  while  the  hot  mist  still  hung  in  the 
valleys,  the  columns  were  marshalled  for  the 
fight.  General  Lawton's  division  worked  up 
to  the  low  ridges  close  to  El  Caney  without  meet- 
ing with  the  least  resistance,  for  the  Spaniards 
had  no  outposts  or  patrols  in  front  of  their  posi- 
tion, and  were  awaiting  the  attack  inside  their 
defences.  Lawton  had  eight  battalions  of  regu- 
lars and  one  of  volunteers  under  his  orders. 
Only  one  light  battery  of  four  guns,  under  Cap- 
tain Allyn  Capron,  had  been  assigned  to  his 
division.  His  right,  the  exposed  flank,  was  pro- 

[348] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

tected  by  the  only  two  troops  of  mounted  cavalry 
with  the  army.  Still  farther  away  to  the  right 
were  some  of  Garcia's  Cubans,  but  already  the 
Americans  had  learned  to  set  very  little  depen- 
dence on  their  fighting  capacity. 

Away  to  his  left  General  Kent's  division,  also 
of  three  brigades  (eight  battalions  of  regulars 
and  one  of  New  York  volunteers),  was  waiting 
to  attack  San  Juan  as  soon  as  Caney  had  fallen. 
Kent  had  another  four-gun  battery,  under  Cap- 
tain Grimes,  which  was  in  position  on  the  hill 
near  El  Pozo  farm.  The  dismounted  cavalry 
and  Rough  Riders  under  General  Sumner  held 
the  right  of  Kent's  position,  and  there  were  more 
Cubans  on  both  sides  of  the  ground  assigned  to 
his  division.  Bates'  brigade  was  held  in  re- 
serve, and  Duffield's  brigade  of  volunteers  was 
moving  along  the  coast  railway  to  attack  Agua- 
dores,  supported  by  the  fleet,  which  stood  in 
towards  the  harbor  mouth,  bombarded  the 
forts,  and  sent  its  shells  flying  over  the  hills  into 
Santiago  itself. 

The  sky  was  overcast,  and  the  morning  was 
hot  and  sultry.  But  at  twenty  minutes  to  seven, 
when  the  first  shot  was  fired  on  the  right  by 
Capron's  battery,  the  clouds  overhead  began  to 
break,  and  the  sun  shone  out  brightly.  "Boys," 
said  a  soldier,  as  the  first  cannon  shot  echoed  in 
the  wooded  hills,  "this  is  the  first  of  July.  It's 

[349] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

a  pity  we  can't  keep  Santiago  for  the  Fourth." 
It  was  going  to  be  kept  a  good  deal  longer. 

The  chief  defence  of  El  Caney  was  an  old- 
fashioned  stone  fort  on  a  conical  hill  to  the  south- 
east of  the  little  town.  The  houses  on  each 
front  of  the  place  were  loopholed,  and  there  were 
some  blockhouses  on  each  side,  linked  together 
by  shelter  trenches  and  wire  entanglements. 
The  village  church,  a  solid  stone  building,  was 
also  prepared  for  defence.  The  houses  were 
single-storied  cottages,  and  the  few  streets  of  the 
town  were  wide  and  open  and  planted  with  trees. 

"From  the  crest  of  the  ridge,"  writes  Captain 
Lee,  the  British  attache  who  accompanied  Law- 
ton's  staff,  "we  could  look  right  down  into  the 
village,  its  thatched  and  tiled  roofs  half  hid- 
den by  the  large  shade-trees  that  we  afterward 
learned  to  dread  as  the  lurking-places  of  sharp- 
shooters. In  the  village  itself  profound  quiet 
reigned,  and  there  was  no  sign  of  life  beyond  a 
few  thin  wisps  of  smoke  that  curled  from  the 
cottage  chimneys.  Beyond  lay  the  fertile  valley 
with  a  few  cattle  grazing,  and  around  us  on  three 
sides  arose,  tier  upon  tier,  the  beautiful  Maestra 
Mountains,  wearing  delicate  pearly  tints  in  the 
first  rays  of  the  rising  sun.  To  our  left  stretched 
the  .rich  green  jungle,  with  its  rippling  bam- 
boo groves  and  clumps  of  royal  palm.  The 
only  landmark  in  all  this  wide  expanse  was  the 

[350] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

great  red-roofed  Ducoureaud  House,  a  deserted 
country-seat  that  lay  midway  between  El  Caney 
and  Santiago.  Three  miles  away  in  this  direc- 
tion loomed  the  long,  undulating  ridge  of  San 
Juan,  streaked  with  Spanish  trenches,  and  be- 
hind it  showed  up  clearly  the  faint  pink  buildings, 
with  twinkling  windows  and  innumerable  Red 
Cross  flags,  that  marked  the  city  of  Santiago." 

As  the  first  shell  of  Capron's  battery  burst 
over  the  fort,  a  group  of  Spanish  soldiers  that 
had  been  lounging  near  its  entrance  disappeared 
into  cover,  and  on  the  slope  of  the  hill  below 
some  straw  hats  appeared  here  and  there  in  line, 
showing  where  the  infantry  were  lining  the  shel- 
ter trenches.  But  not  a  shot  was  fired  in  reply 
for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  and  so  silent  was  the 
fort  that  one  of  Lawton's  staff  suggested  that  it 
had  been  evacuated,  and  that  the  straw  hats 
were  stuck  up  on  sticks  as  dummies  to  delude 
the  attacking  force  into  the  idea  that  the  trenches 
were  held.  The  shells  were  knocking  stones 
out  of  the  walls  of  the  fort,  and  one  of  them  had 
all  but  demolished  a  blockhouse,  but  still  the 
Spaniards  held  their  fire.  Not  a  shot  came 
from  the  trenches  till  Lawton's  infantry  began 
to  deploy  for  the  advance. 

The  plan  of  attack  was  that  General  Chaffee, 
with  the  Seventh,  Twelfth,  and  Seventeenth  In- 
fantry, should  work  round  to  the  north  of  El 

[351] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

Caney ;  Colonel  Miles's  brigade,  the  First,  Fourth, 
and  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  (these  last  negroes), 
was  to  advance  against  the  west  side  of  the  town, 
and  General  Ludlow,  with  the  Eighth  and 
Twenty-second  Regulars  and  the  Second  Mas- 
sachusetts Volunteers,  was  to  move  against  the 
place  from  the  south.  It  was  expected  that  in 
this  way  not  merely  would  the  town  be  quickly 
captured,  but  that  its  garrison  would  be  made 
prisoners.  It  was  expected  that  the  business 
would  be  all  over  early  in  the  day,  and  then  Law- 
ton's  division  could  move  against  the  flank  of 
the  Spaniards  at  San  Juan  and  help  Kent  to 
turn  them  out. 

Miles's  and  Ludlow's  brigades  were  the  first  to 
come  into  action,  opening  up  on  El  Caney  with 
volleys  at  about  a  thousand  yards,  from  grassy 
ridges  to  the  west  and  south.  Chaff ee  had  fur- 
ther to  march  with  his  three  regiments,  and 
reached  his  ground  somewhat  later.  At  a  quar- 
ter past  seven  all  the  infantry  was  moving  for- 
ward, and  the  Spaniards  had  opened  fire  from 
the  little  stone  fort,  the  trenches,  the  block- 
houses on  three  sides  of  El  Caney,  shots  also 
coming  from  sharpshooters  on  house-roofs  and 
in  tree-tops  along  the  edge  of  the  town.  There 
had  been  till  now  a  very  general  impression  that 
Spaniards  could  not  shoot  straight,  but  the  men 
who  held  El  Caney  shot  coolly,  deliberately,  and 

[352] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

well,  and  the  Americans  found  that  every  step 
forward  meant  loss,  and  to  rush  the  town  till  the 
Spanish  fire  was  subdued  by  their  own  was  im- 
possible. Capron's  battery,  short  of  ammuni- 
tion, and  husbanding  it  by  a  slow  rate  of  fire, 
was  making  little  or  no  impression  on  the  de- 
fence. The  attack  of  a  position  like  that  of  El 
Caney  should  have  been  prepared  by  a  heavy 
fire  of  artillery  from  several  batteries,  pouring 
such  a  shower  of  shells  into  the  place  as  to  de- 
moralize the  garrison  and  make  it  impossible 
for  them  to  stick  to  their  trenches.  But  here 
there  were  only  four  light  guns  in  action.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  were  no  Spanish  batteries 
at  this  point,  and  Capron's  guns,  firing  at  a 
range  of  twenty-four  hundred  yards,  could  be 
worked  as  safely  as  if  they  were  at  target  prac- 
tice. They  ought  to  have  been  able  to  give  more 
effective  support  to  the  infantry.  As  it  was, 
these  latter  had  to  try  their  best  to  do  the  work 
of  artillery  with  their  rifles,  and  prepare  the  way 
for  their  own  attack  by  concentrating  their  vol- 
leys on  the  trenches  and  picking  off  the  sharp- 
shooters. 

In  the  first  three  hours  the  American  firing 
line  had  pressed  forward  gradually  to  a  range  of 
about  six  hundred  yards  from  the  town,  the  men 
firing  lying  down  in  the  grass  as  they  halted. 
Beyond  this  point  no  advance  was  made  for 

[353] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

some  hours  more,  during  which  the  attack 
merely  held  their  own.  The  Second  Massa- 
chusetts had  been  withdrawn  before  this  from 
the  firing  line.  The  volunteers  had  behaved 
well,  advancing  steadily  and  losing  several  men. 
But  while  the  regulars  were  properly  armed 
with  modern  rifles  using  smokeless  powder,  the 
volunteers,  with  the  exception  of  Roosevelt's 
men,  had  only  their  old  Springfield  rifles  and 
cartridges  loaded  with  the  old-fashioned  black 
powder.  The  result  was,  that  as  the  Massachu- 
setts men  advanced  they  were  enveloped  in  a 
thick  cloud  of  smoke,  which  drew  the  fire  of  the 
enemy's  trenches,  and  would  doubtless  soon 
have  been  a  mark  for  the  artillery  of  the  works 
nearer  Santiago.  General  Ludlow  had  there- 
fore to  reduce  his  brigade  to  the  two  regular 
regiments,  sending  the  Massachusetts  men  back 
some  hundreds  of  yards  to  the  rear,  where  he 
kept  them  in  reserve. 

Chaffee's  brigade  on  the  right  had  the  heav- 
iest share  of  the  fighting.  His  three  fine  regi- 
ments worked  forward  to  a  long  grassy  ridge  that 
lies  about  three  hundred  yards  in  front  of  the 
northeast  side  of  El  Caney.  A  sunken  road  be- 
hind the  ridge  affords  some  cover;  but  at  the 
close  quarters  the  crest  where  the  firing  line  was 
placed  was  swept  by  a  deadly  rain  of  Mauser 
bullets.  Colonel  Haskell,  of  the  Seventeenth 

[354] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

Infantry,  had  tried  to  lead  his  men  forward 
through  a  gap  in  the  middle  of  the  ridge  to  line  a 
hedge  and  bank  nearer  the  town,  but  the  attempt 
had  to  be  abandoned.  The  colonel  fell  hit  at 
once  by  three  bullets  —  one  in  the  breast,  one  in 
the  knee,  and  one  in  the  heel.  The  men  lay 
down  along  a  swell  of  the  ground  to  open  fire. 
The  colonel  had  fallen  some  yards  in  front  down 
the  slope;  five  men  went  out  to  bring  him  in. 

They  succeeded,  but  three  of  them  were  shot 
down.  Lieutenant  Dickinson,  who  had  assisted 
in  rescuing  his  wounded  colonel,  though  already 
wounded  himself,  received  three  other  wounds 
while  being  helped  back  to  the  rear.  The 
wounded  lay  in  a  long  line  in  the  sunken  road. 
There  were  few  doctors  with  the  army;  there 
were  none  of  them  up  at  the  front  with  Chaffee's 
brigade.  There  was  no  help  for  the  seriously 
wounded  for  hours.  The  dressing  station  es- 
tablished farther  to  the  rear  near  the  artillery 
position  gave  help  to  the  more  slightly  wounded 
who  were  able  to  walk  back  so  far;  but  there 
were  no  stretcher  parties  to  bring  in  the  seriously 
injured.  It  was  a  piece  of  scandalous  misman- 
agement. It  looked  as  if  the  Washington  gov- 
ernment seriously  believed  that  its  army,  like  its 
navy,  could  win  battles  with  only  half  a  dozen 
casualties.  Here  is  the  description  of  the  scene 
in  the  road  where  these  neglected  wounded  lay, 

[355] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

as   given   by   Captain   Lee,    who   accompanied 
Chaffee's  attack: 

"On  reaching  the  spot,  I  found  over  a  hun- 
dred killed  and  wounded  laid  out  in  as  many 
yards  of  road,  and  so  close  were  they  that  one 
could  only  pass  by  stepping  over  them.  There 
was  a  strange  silence  among  these  men,  not  a 
whimper  or  a  groan,  but  each  lay  quietly  nursing 
his  wound  with  closed  eyes  and  set  teeth,  only 
flinching  when  the  erratic  sleet  of  bullets  clipped 
the  leaves  off  the  hedge  close  above  their  heads. 
Many  looked  up  quietly  at  my  strange  uniform 
as  I  passed,  and  asked  quickly  and  quietly,  'Are 
you  a  doctor,  sir  ? '  I  could  but  shake  my  head, 
and  they  would  instantly  relapse  into  their 
strained,  intense  attitudes,  whilst  I  felt  sick  at 
heart  at  the  thought  of  my  incompetence.  Some 
of  the  slightly  wounded  were  tending  those  who 
were  badly  hit,  and  nothing  could  have  surpassed 
the  unskilled  tenderness  of  these  men.  I  was 
astonished,  too,  at  their  thoughtful  considera- 
tion. 'Keep  well  down,  sir,'  several  said  as  I 
stopped  to  speak  to  them;  'them  Mausers  is 
flying  pretty  low,  and  there's  plenty  of  us  here 
already.'  The  heat  in  the  little  road  was  in- 
tense, there  was  no  shade  nor  a  breath  of  air, 
and  the  wounded  lay  sweltering  in  the  sun  till 
the  head  reeled  with  the  rank  smell  of  sweat  and 
saturated  flannel.  Right  amongst  the  wounded 

[356] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

lay  curled  up  a  Cuban,  apparently  asleep.  Upon 
approaching  him,  however,  it  was  only  too  ap- 
parent that  he  had  been  dead  for  several  days, 
and  on  the  tree  overhead  two  sleek  and  gorged 
vultures  looked  down  furtively  at  his  ever-in- 
creasing companions.  The  stench  was  over- 
powering, and  a  sudden  lull  in  the  battle  brought 
into  sickening  prominence  the  angry  buzzing  of 
the  disturbed  flies,  and  the  creaking  of  the  land 
crabs  which  waited  in  the  bushes." 

This  is  a  glimpse  of  the  less  pleasant  aspects 
of  the  battlefield,  and  the  impression  not  of  a 
newspaper  correspondent  on  the  lookout  for  sen- 
sation, but  of  a  trained  professional  soldier. 

At  one  o'clock  there  were  loud  cheers  all  along 
the  line  of  the  attack.  No  success  had  been 
won,  but  a  lucky  shot  from  Capron's  battery  had 
cut  in  two  the  flagstaff  of  the  fort,  bringing  down 
the  red  and  gold  flag  of  Spain.  The  Spaniards 
hoisted  it  again  on  the  broken  flagstaff.  Away 
far  to  the  right  and  a  little  north  of  El  Caney 
was  a  small  blockhouse.  The  Cubans  had  been 
directed  to  capture  it,  but  they  had  contented 
themselves  with  firing  at  it  from  a  range  of  nearly 
a  mile,  never  attempting  to  get  any  closer.  The 
blockhouse  replied  with  an  occasional  rifle  shot, 
but  generally  took  no  notice  of  the  fusillade. 
This  was  kept  up  so  briskly  that  at  last  the  Cu- 
bans sent  a  message  to  General  Chaffee  that 

[357] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

they  were  running  short  of  cartridges.  Could 
he  send  them  any?  The  reply  was  a  sharp  re- 
buke for  the  useless  waste  of  ammunition.  The 
general  said  he  had  only  about  enough  for  his 
own  men  who  were  fighting;  he  had  none  for 
fireworks. 

Chaffee  had  some  narrow  escapes.  A  bullet 
had  ripped  through  one  of  his  shoulder-straps, 
another  had  cut  a  button  off  his  jacket.  While 
sharply  telling  anyone  else  he  saw  standing  up 
to  lie  down,  he  himself  stood  erect  or  walked 
about  just  behind  the  firing  line.  To  quote 
Captain  Lee  once  more:  "Wherever  the  fire  was 
thickest  the  general  strolled  about  unconcernedly, 
a  half-smoked  cigar  between  his  teeth,  and  an 
expression  of  exceeding  grimness  on  his  face. 
The  situation  was  a  trying  one  for  the  nerves  of 
the  oldest  soldier,  and  some  of  the  younger  hands 
fell  back  from  the  firing  line  and  crept  towards 
the  road.  In  a  moment  the  general  pounced 
upon  them,  inquiring  their  destination  in  low, 
unhoneyed  accents,  and  then,  taking  them  per- 
suasively by  the  elbow,  led  them  back  to  the 
extreme  front,  and  having  deposited  them  in  the 
firing  line,  stood  over  them  while  he  distributed 
a  few  last  words  of  pungent  and  sulphurous  ad- 
vice." But  the  general  was  not  the  only  man 
who  seemed  to  bear  a  charmed  life  that  day. 
As  the  brigade  closed  in  upon  El  Caney,  two 

[358] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

men  of  the  Twelfth  Infantry  moved  out  in  front 
of  the  regiment  to  cut  with  strong  pliers  the 
barbed  wire  fences  that  lay  across  the  line  of 
advance.  Their  appearance  drew  a  storm  of 
bullets  from  the  enemy's  Mausers,  but  they 
finished  their  work  completely  and  deliberately, 
and  rejoined  their  comrades  untouched. 

At  half-past  one  General  Shafter  became  im- 
patient at  the  delay  before  Caney.  He  was 
lying  ill  in  his  camp  bed  in  a  tent  to  the  rear,  at 
the  junction  of  the  San  Juan  and  El  Caney  roads, 
and  received  frequent  information  of  how  things 
were  going  at  the  front.  It  was  an  essential  part 
of  his  plan  for  the  capture  of  San  Juan  that  both 
divisions  should  co-operate,  and  he  now  sent 
orders  to  General  Lawton  to  abandon  the  at- 
tack on  El  Caney  and  move  his  brigades  towards 
the  left  to  join  hands  with  General  Kent's  divi- 
sion in  the  direct  advance  on  San  Juan  and 
Santiago.  Lawton  took  it  upon  himself  to  disre- 
gard the  distinct  order  of  the  Commander-in- 
Chief.  To  have  retired  from  El  Caney  after 
having  been  held  in  check  before  it  during  six 
hours  of  hard  fighting  would  be  to  acknowledge 
defeat.  He  sent  back  word  that  he  meant  to 
hold  on  and  take  the  place. 

An  hour  later,  about  half-past  two,  Lawton 
sent  for  General  Bates's  reserve  brigade  of  two 
regular  battalions,  which  was  called  up  to  fill  the 

[359] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

gap  in  the  line  southeast  of  El  Caney,  between 
the  right  of  General  Ludlow's  brigade  and  the 
left  of  General  Chaffee's.  Lawton  had  by  this 
time  a  battery  and  eight  battalions  in  action,  and 
three  in  reserve,  and  it  was  just  eight  hours  since 
the  first  shot  had  been  fired. 

According  to  General  Shafter's  plan,  the 
Spanish  outpost  on  his  own  left  at  San  Juan 
hill  was  not  to  be  attacked  till  Lawton,  having 
got  to  El  Caney,  could  co-operate.  But  events 
so  worked  that  General  Kent,  whose  division 
fronted  San  Juan,  carried  out  his  part  of  the 
day's  work  on  lines  not  contemplated  in  the  plan 
dictated  by  the  headquarters  of  the  army. 

On  the  previous  evening  his  division,  consist- 
ing, like  Lawton's,  of  three  brigades  of  three 
battalions  each,  had  tramped  up  the  muddy  trail 
to  the  edge  of  the  woods.  Like  his  colleague,  he 
had  for  all  his  artillery  a  single  battery  of  four 
small  guns.  It  was  under  the  command  of  Cap- 
tain Grimes,  and  its  position  was  the  low  hill  on 
which  stands  the  farm  of  El  Pozo. 

Shortly  before  8  A.M.  Grimes's  battery  opened 
fire  from  the  hill.  Its  target  was  the  Spanish 
blockhouse  on  the  top  of  the  opposite  hill  of  San 
Juan,  twenty-four  hundred  yards  away.  Be- 
tween was  a  mass  of  jungle-like  forest,  traversed 
near  its  edge  by  the  double  stream  of  the  San 
Juan  river,  and  with  open  ground  beyond.  There 

[360] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

were  some  Cubans  in  El  Pozo  farmhouse,  and 
behind  the  battery  and  a  little  to  its  right  were 
two  dismounted  regiments  of  regular  cavalry. 
General  Wheeler  had  been  officially  placed  on 
the  sick  list,  and  General  Sumner  commanded 
the  cavalry  brigade,  which,  however,  did  not 
prevent  "fighting  Joe  Wheeler"  from  hurrying 
up  to  the  front  as  soon  as  he  heard  the  firing. 
Sumner's  cavalrymen  were  tramping  up  the 
track  through  the  woods  and  forming  to  the 
right  front  of  El  Pozo  on  the  margin  of  the  bush. 
To  the  left,  packed  close  together  on  the  muddy 
trail,  the  infantry  regiments  of  Kent's  division 
were  working  to  the  front. 

For  fully  a  quarter  of  an  hour  the  Spaniards 
made  no  answer  to  the  fire  of  the  American  bat- 
tery. A  crowd  of  correspondents,  artists,  and 
foreign  naval  and  military  attaches  stood  close  to 
the  guns,  chatting,  smoking,  sketching,  watching 
the  front  through  their  glasses,  and  guessing  as 
to  what  was  happening  away  to  the  right,  whence 
came  the  distant  boom  of  Capron's  battery  in 
action  against  El  Caney.  The  mass  of  smoke 
from  its  guns  could  be  plainly  seen  hanging  in 
the  still  air  like  a  white,  sunny  cloud.  The 
trenches  on  San  Juan  hill  could  be  easily  made 
out,  and,  beyond,  the  blockhouses  on  the  edge  of 
the  city.  But  the  Spaniards  made  no  sign  of 
fight  for  awhile,  and  the  whole  scene  as  viewed 

[361] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

from  El  Pozo  suggested  peace  maneuvers  rather 
than  war. 

But  this  was  not  to  last  long.  Though  no  one 
could  see  where  was  the  battery  from  which  it 
came  (for  the  Spanish  guns  used  smokeless  pow- 
der), a  screaming  roar  in  the  air  told  that  a  shrap- 
nel was  winging  its  way  towards  the  battery. 
As  it  burst  —  luckily  a  little  short  —  the  group 
of  distinguished  spectators  bolted  pell-mell  for 
cover  on  the  reverse  slope  of  the  hill.  "Is  this 
kind  of  thing  allowed?"  asked  an  artist  corre- 
spondent, engaged  in  his  first  battle,  of  the  officer 
who  lay  down  beside  him.  "Well,"  was  the 
answer,  "I  don't  suppose  either  you  or  I  could 
exactly  stop  those  shells."  It  was  clear  the 
Spaniards  had  the  range;  the  second  shell  burst 
in  the  farmhouse  and  turned  out  the  Cubans, 
killing  and  wounding  several  of  them.  Another 
burst  among  the  guns.  Another,  going  a  little 
to  the  right,  laid  low  several  of  the  regular  cav- 
alrymen, who  had  been  so  placed  that  any  shell 
going  wide  of  the  battery  burst  among  them. 
The  Cubans  carried  away  their  wounded  on 
improvised  stretchers,  and  one  of  the  spectators 
remarked  that  it  took  about  ten  Cubans  to  carry 
every  wounded  man. 

The  Spanish  fire  came  from  guns  on  the  flank 
of  San* Juan,  and  farther  to  the  rear,  near  the 
margin  of  the  city.  They  were  so  well  masked 

[362] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 

that,  thanks  to  the  smokeless  powder,  it  was  a 
long  time  before  their  position  could  be  made 
out  from  the  American  lines.  The  attempt  to 
silence  them  proved  a  failure.  All  the  morning 
the  Spanish  artillery  had  the  best  of  the  fight. 

The  Spanish  infantry  holding  the  San  Juan 
hill  and  the  trenches  beyond  it  now  perceived 
that  the  American  troops  were  moving  on  the 
edges  of  the  woods,  and  crowding  up  to  the  well- 
known  openings  from  the  bush,  and  on  these 
points  they  concentrated  a  deadly  fire.  They 
must  have  also  fired  at  random  into  the  trees, 
for  everywhere  along  the  bush-tracks,  for  fully  a 
mile  to  the  rear,  the  Mauser  bullets  were  ripping 
through  the  trees.  At  the  crossing  of  the  San 
Juan  river  so  many  fell  that  the  soldiers  called 
the  place  the  "bloody  ford."  Where  the  trail 
left  the  wood  in  front  of  San  Juan,  the  dead  and 
wounded  encumbered  the  ground  and  blocked 
the  way.  The  men  were  ordered  to  lie  down 
on  the  edge  of  the  woods  and  not  return  the 
Spanish  fire.  It  was  more  than  human  nature 
could  endure  to  literally  obey  such  an  order,  and 
there  was  a  dropping  fusillade  from  the  bushes, 
but  it  was  not  very  effective.  This  waiting  atti- 
tude was  the  result  of  General  Shafter's  elab- 
orate plan.  Nothing  was  to  be  risked  against 
San  Juan  until  El  Caney  was  taken. 

The  balloon  had  gone  up  to  the  west  of  Se- 

[363] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

villa,  and  it  was  dragged  up  the  track  till  it  got  to 
near  the  point  where  the  San  Juan  road  opened 
from  the  woods.  There  it  was  anchored  about 
a  hundred  feet  above  the  trees  in  easy  range  of 
the  Spanish  guns  and  rifles.  A  mile  to  the  rear 
and  at  a  greater  height  it  might  have  done  good 
service;  here  it  only  drew  a  heavy  fire  from 
the  Spaniards,  and  everything  that  missed  the 
balloon  did  deadly  execution  among  the  infantry 
packed  beneath  and  behind  it  on  the  track. 
There  was  general  rejoicing  among  the  Ameri- 
cans when  a  Spanish  shrapnel  tore  a  great  gap 
in  the  balloon  and  it  came  slowly  down,  the  up- 
per part  of  it  gathering  in  the  net  on  the  top  of 
it  and  forming  a  parachute.  Colonel  Derby  of 
the  Engineers,  who  was  in  the  car  of  the  balloon, 
escaped  unhurt.  He  brought  down  one  useful 
item  of  information.  He  had  seen  another  trail 
through  the  wood  a  little  to  the  left,  which  might 
be  used  for  some  of  the  troops. 

One  brigade  was  massed  on  this  new  road. 
The  two  others  used  the  old  trail.  To  their 
right  the  dismounted  cavalry  regiments  worked 
to  the  front,  the  Rough  Riders  dragging  with 
them  a  dynamite  field  gun,  which,  however, 
jammed  almost  at  once,  and  proved  useless.  A 
battery  of  machine  guns  came  into  action  near 
El  Pozo,  and  did  better  work  than  the  artillery. 

The  men  were  now  crowded  along  the  edge  of 

[364] 


With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hilt 

the  woods,  suffering  heavy  loss,  returning  the 
Spanish  fire,  and  waiting  impatiently  for  the 
order, to  advance  across  the  five  hundred  yards 
of  open  ground  that  separated  them  from  the 
trenches  around  the  San  Juan  blockhouse.  No 
orders  came.  According  to  the  plan,  they  had 
to  wait  for  Lawton's  division,  but  at  last  the 
officers  at  the  front  took  the  matter  into  their 
own  hands.  To  remain  longer  inactive  under 
the  enemy's  fire  was  to  incur  loss  uselessly.  It 
was  better  to  risk  a  rush  for  the  blockhouse,  and 
so  without  any  superior  orders  the  rush  came. 
On  the  right  of  the  road  the  Tenth  Cavalry 
pressed  on,  accompanied  by  the  Rough  Riders, 
led  by  Roosevelt,  almost  the  only  mounted 
officer  in  the  advance.  To  the  left  of  the  road  a 
white-haired  general,  Hawkins,  led  to  the  at- 
tack the  Sixth  and  Sixteenth  Infantry,  all  that 
was  available  of  Kent's  First  Brigade.  The 
other  regiment,  the  Seventy-first  New  York 
Volunteers,  after  losing  several  officers  and  men, 
had  been  withdrawn  from  the  fighting  line  be- 
cause it  was  found  that  the  smoke  of  their  old- 
fashioned  Springfield  rifles  drew  a  heavy  fire 
from  the  Spanish  lines,  and  caused  unnecessary 
loss  to  the  battalion,  and  all  who  were  near  it. 

The  men  pressed  on,  firing  at  first,  then  break- 
ing into  a  run  for  the  slope  in  front.  All  regular 
order  had  been  abandoned,  and  it  was  in  de- 

[365] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

tached  groups  and  knots  of  men  that  the  infantry 
and  cavalry  charged  the  enemy's  lines.  The 
slope  was  so  steep  in  places  that  the  men  had  to 
climb  more  slowly..  To  the  onlookers  it  seemed 
that  they  were  too  few,  and  that  they  must  fail. 
Till  they  topped  the  crest  the  Spaniards  fired 
among  them,  and  dead  and  wounded  dotted  the 
hillside.  But  at  last  the  Americans  went  in 
over  the  trench  with  a  cheer,  and  what  were  left 
of  the  Spaniards  fled.  The  garrison  of  the  block- 
house, which  had  been  a  good  deal  damaged  by 
the  artillery,  made  no  attempt  to  defend  it,  and 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  were  hoisted  on  its  broken 
roof. 


[366] 


XV 
The   Battle   of  Magersfontein 

By  A.  HILLIARD  ATTERIDGE 

FROM  the  very  outbreak  of  the  war  be- 
tween the  British  and  the  Boers  in  1899, 
the  closing  war  of  the  century  —  and  the 
most  disastrous  for  Britain  of  any  in  which 
she  had  engaged  for  a  hundred  years,  in  spite  of 
her  final  victory  —  the  strength  of  the  Boers  was 
not  known  to  the  British,  and  the  skill  in  war- 
fare of  their  rank  and  file  was  not  reckoned  with 
by  them.  Furthermore,  there  was  almost  entire 
ignorance  of  the  nature  of  the  country  through 
which  the  British  would  have  to  fight  their  way, 
and  this  in  spite  of  the  experiences  of  less  than 
twenty  years  before  and  of  the  knowledge  of  the 
importance  of  a  proper  Intelligence  Staff  as  re- 
vealed to  moderns  in  every  war  since  the  Ger- 
mans invaded  France  in  1870. 

Lord  Methuen  was  on  his  way  to  the  relief  of 
beleaguered  Kimberly.  He  had  crossed  the 
Modder  river,  and  after  some  difficulties  and 
delays  decided  to  press  on.  The  night  march 
was  to  begin  half  an  hour  after  midnight. 

In  the  afternoon  the  sky  had  been  over- 
clouded. About  nine  in  the  evening  rain  began 

[367] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XlXra  Century 

to  fall,  and  after  midnight  it  increased  to  a  heavy 
downpour.  This  made  the  night  the  darkest 
and  most  inclement  that  had  been  so  far  ex- 
perienced during  the  campaign.  The  troops 
destined  for  the  attack  were  lying  down  in  the 
open  to  the  east  of  the  camp,  and  officers  and 
men  were  drenched  to  the  skin.  When  at  last 
the  advance  began,  it  was  found  impossible  to 
keep  touch  and  direction  unless  by  marching  the 
troops  in  the  close  solid  formation  of  mass  of 
quarter  columns;  that  is,  the  companies,  each 
formed  on  its  full  front,  followed  each  other  at 
a  distance  of  six  paces,  and  in  each  brigade  bat- 
talion followed  battalion. 

The  Highland  Brigade,  under  General  Wau- 
chope,  was  in  the  center.  It  was  to  move  against 
the  big  Magersfontein  kopje.  To  its  right  rear, 
and  nearer  the  river,  the  Guards  Brigade  ad- 
vanced in  support.  The  Ninth  Brigade,  on  the 
left,  held  the  camp  and  the  railway  line,  and  on 
the  other  side  of  the  railway  the  mounted  troops 
were  to  make  a  demonstration  against  the  ene- 
my's right. 

Before  starting  on  the  night  march,  General 
Wauchope  had  seen  Lord  Methuen,  and  the 
two  generals  had  gone  carefully  over  the  plan 
for  the  attack.  There  seems  not  to  be  any 
foundation  whatever  for  the  story,  that  found 
general  acceptance  for  awhile,  that  Wauchope 

[368] 


The  Battle  of  Magersfontein 

protested  against  the  orders  given  to  him  as 
likely  to  lead  to  disaster.  The  plan  of  attack 
assigned  to  the  Highland  Brigade  is  thus  ex- 
plained by  Lord  Methuen: 

"The  brigade  was  to  march  in  mass  of  quar- 
ter columns,  the  four  battalions  keeping  touch, 
and,  if  necessary,  ropes  were  to  be  used  for  the 
left  guides"  (that  is,  a  rope  would  be  held  by 
the  sergeants  acting  as  guides  on  the  left  flank 
of  the  companies,  so  as  to  prevent  them  losing 
touch  and  distance).  "These  ropes  were  taken, 
but,  I  believe,  used  by  only  two  battalions.  The 
three  battalions  were  to  extend  just  before  day- 
break, two  companies  in  firing  line,  two  com- 
panies in  support,  and  four  companies  in  reserve, 
all  at  five  paces'  interval."  Wauchope  intended 
to  swing  round  two  of  his  companies  against  the 
left  rear  of  the  main  kopje  and  attack  it  on  two 
sides. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  plan  was  not,  as 
was  at  first  supposed  in  England,  copied  from 
Wolseley's  at  Tel-el-Kebir.  On  that  occasion 
the  troops  were  brought  close  up  to  the  Arab  lines 
in  the  dark  and  rushed  them  shoulder  to  shoulder 
at  dawn.  Here  Lord  Methuen  tried  to  get  his 
attacking  force  over  most  of  the  open  ground  in 
front  of  Cronje's  lines  under  cover  of  darkness. 
But  there  was  to  be  no  sudden  rush  of  a  mass 
with  fixed  bayonets.  The  men  were  to  deploy 

[369] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

in  the  darkness  into  three  extended  lines,  and 
then  advance  firing  as  day  broke.  The  plan 
was  much  too  elaborate  for  a  night  attack.  In 
the  pitch  darkness  and  driving  rain  of  the  night 
between  December  10  and  11  it  was  hopeless. 
It  should  have  been  put  off  when  it  was  found 
that  the  conditions  of  weather  were  so  unfavor- 
able for  a  prolonged  movement  of  large  bodies 
of  men. 

So  much  for  the  plans.  Let  us  now  see  what 
happened.  Dawn  was  at  3.25.  At  that  hour 
the  Highland  Brigade  was  advancing.  Wau- 
chope  was  just  about  to  give  orders  to  deploy. 
Apparently  neither  he  nor  any  other  of  the  lead- 
ers knew  how  close  they  were  to  the  Boer 
trenches.  Just  at  this  time  a  couple  of  rifles 
were  accidentally  discharged.  One  wonders  why 
even  a  single  rifle  had  been  loaded!  It  is  said 
that  there  had  also  been  some  dangerous  flashes 
of  light  from  a  badly  shaded  lantern,  and,  ac- 
cording to  at  least  one  account,  at  this  critical 
moment  the  great  searchlight  of  Kimberly  sent 
its  white  ray  of  electric  light  sweeping  over  the 
veldt,  and  it  shone  for  a  moment  through  a  gap 
in  the  kopjes  and  revealed,  like  a  ghostly  army, 
the  leading  battalions  of  the  Highland  Brigade. 

But  whatever  it  was  that  warned  the  Boers 
that  the  column  was  so  near,  there  is  no  doubt 
as  to  what  next  happened.  The  Boers  were  on 

[370] 


The  Battle  of  Magersfontein 

the  alert.  They  had  manned  their  trenches,  so 
as  to  be  ready  to  meet  an  attack  at  dawn.  The 
dense  mass  of  Highlanders  was  within  two  hun- 
dred yards  of  the  most  advanced  trench.  Sud- 
denly along  half  a  mile  of  front  the  enemy's 
Mausers  blazed  and  roared  in  rapid,  independent 
fire,  and  showers  of  bullets  tore  through  the 
dense  ranks  of  Wauchope's  brigade.  Men  and 
officers  fell  in  scores.  The  general  himself  was 
hit  in  several  places.  He  called  out  "Extend, 
men  —  extend!"  and  fell  to  the  ground,  dying 
almost  immediately.  It  is  just  possible  that  even 
then  a  bold  rush  would  have  carried  the  brigade 
into  the  trenches  and  given  the  Highlanders  a 
chance  with  the  bayonet.  But  their  leader  was 
down.  Some  tried  to  extend  into  a  firing  line 
and  answer  the  Mausers  with  their  Lee-Met- 
fords.  A  few  dashed  forward,  only  to  be  caught 
by  the  barbed  wires  of  a  high  entanglement  that 
extended  along  the  front  of  the  trench  about  a 
hundred  yards  from  it.  But  most  of  the  brigade 
were  falling  back.  In  a  few  minutes  it  was  clear 
that  the  attack  had  failed. 

But  a  long,  determined  effort  was  made  to  re- 
deem the  day.  The  Highlanders  rallied,  and 
deployed  along  the  veldt  a  few  hundred  yards 
in  the  rear  of  the  point  where  they  had  been 
caught  by  the  Boer  fire.  On  their  right  the 
Guards  had  formed  the  battle,  and  for  artillery 

[371] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

had  opened  fire  upon  the  Boer  defences.  From 
various  points  on  the  kopjes  the  Boer  guns  were 
replying.  The  sun,  rising  over  the  ridges,  lit  up 
a  fiercely  contested  battlefield. 

The  Seaforths  were  extended  along  the  front 
of  the  ground  over  which  the  Highlanders  had 
advanced.  The  rest  of  the  brigade  had  been 
rallied  further  back,  and  were  lying  down  along 
the  veldt.  To  the  right  the  Guards  had  come 
into  action.  For  some  hours  it  was  a  repetition 
of  the  Modder  River  fight.  The  long  firing  line 
of  the  British  poured  bullets  almost  at  random 
into  the  position  held,  as  it  was,  by  an  unseen 
enemy,  so  that  aiming  was  out  of  the  question. 
Over  the  heads  of  the  infantry  the  artillery  sent 
its  shells  into  the  kopjes.  The  big  naval  gun  had 
been  dragged  nearer  the  hills,  and  its  heavy  lyd- 
dite shells  seemed  to  be  bursting  well.  Towards 
noon  Lord  Methuen  brought  up  the  Gordons 
from  the  camp,  and  sent  them  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  Highlanders.  The  balloon  had  been 
sent  up  from  a  knoll  near  the  camp,  and  the 
officer  in  the  car  reported  that  the  enemy  was 
also  receiving  reinforcements,  some  from  the 
direction  of  Spytfontein,  others  from  Jacobsdal. 

But  the  Boer  guns  had  ceased  firing.  Even 
their  riflemen  seemed  to  be  tiring  of  the  pro- 
longed struggle  to  hold  the  trenches  under  the 
ceaseless  shower  of  bullets  and  shells.  From 

[372] 


The  Battle  of  Magersfontein 

the  kopjes  and  the  works  on  the  level  in  front  of 
them  there  came  only  a  desultory  sniping  fire, 
with  now  and  then  a  heavier  crackle  of  musketry 
from  one  point  or  another.  It  looked  as  if  with 
an  effort  the  position  might  be  carried,  and 
orders  were  sent  to  the  Highland  Brigade,  now 
strengthened  by  the  Gordons,  to  advance. 

The  long  kilted  lines  rose  and  pushed  forward, 
the  Seaforths  and  Gordons  leading.  But  this 
new  attempt  failed  even  more  disastrously  than 
the  attack  in  the  early  morning.  There  are 
times  when,  exhausted  by  the  fatigue  and  ex- 
posure, crushed  by  heavy  and  sudden  loss,  and 
deprived  of  that  confidence  in  their  leaders  which 
is  a  pledge  of  victory,  even  the  bravest  men  will 
break  down  and  give  way  to  sudden  panic.  It 
has  happened  to  the  pick  of  every  army  in  the 
world.  It  was  the  fate  of  the  Highlanders  at 
Magersfontein.  As  they  moved  forward  they 
were  met  with  a  sudden  blast  of  Mauser  fire  in 
front  and  flank;  the  bullets  swept  along  like  a 
storm  of  hailstones.  The  advance  was  checked, 
and  then  men  began  to  turn,  and  nearly  the 
whole  brigade  rushed  back.  Only  the  Gordons 
made  a  stand,  and  they  had  lately  come  into 
action.  They  had  not  been  caught  in  the  death- 
trap in  the  early  morning,  and  they  were  not 
exhausted  by  lying  out  for  eight  hours  under  fire 
on  the  sun-scorched  veldt. 

[373] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

For  some  time  the  story  of  this  reverse  was 
kept  back  by  the  military  censorship.  The 
telegrams  told  only  of  the  slaughter  of  the  High- 
landers at  dawn.  They  said  nothing  of  this 
incident  of  the  midday  battle.  Even  the  letters 
of  the  correspondents  were  in  some  cases  opened, 
and  the  story  of  the  second  attack  cut  out  of 
them.  But  some  narratives  of  the  battle  were 
allowed  to  pass  through  telling  the  plain  truth. 
The  correspondent  of  the  Morning  Post  watched 
the  advance  from  a  knoll  where  a  battery  of 
horse  artillery  had  taken  up  a  position  to  sup- 
port the  Guards  Brigade.  Here  is  his  impres- 
sion of  the  scene : 

"The  sad  feature  of  the  day  was  yet  to  come. 
Between  half-past  one  and  two  the  rifle  fire, 
which  for  some  time  had  been  rather  desultory, 
became  suddenly  louder  all  along  the  line. 
Simultaneously  the  level  ground  on  our  left  took 
a  new  aspect.  A  Grenadier  on  the  right  looked 
across  and  saw  the  dust  rising  on  the  plain,  and 
thought  the  Boers  were  coming  out  of  their 
trenches.  An  officer  beside  him,  using  his  field- 
glasses,  assured  him  that  it  was  only  our  cavalry 
galloping  across  to  cut  off  the  enemy  in  the  rear. 
What  both  saw  was  the  Highland  Brigade  in 
full  retreat.  Who  gave  the  order  I  cannot  tell, 
and  in  any  case  it  is  a  matter  of  no  importance. 
Back  they  came  in  a  wave  that  no  officer  could 

[374] 


The  Battle  of  Magersfontein 

stop.  From  a  point  of  vantage  on  the  Horse 
Artillery  hill  one  could  see  them  swarming  like 
bees  over  the  veldt,  until  they  were  almost  out 
of  range,  and  the  guns  were  left  out  in  the  open 
with  no  one  to  support  them.  It  was,  perhaps, 
the  most  unpleasant  sight  that  a  British  soldier 
of  to-day  has  ever  beheld  —  it  was  certainly  a 
sight  never  to  be  forgotten.  The  guns,  though 
they  were  left  unprotected  within  short  rifle 
range  of  the  enemy's  trenches,  came  to  the  rescue 
in  magnificent  fashion,  pouring  their  shells  over 
the  trenches  until  the  Boer  fire  became  less  de- 
structive. 

Sitting  there  on  the  hill  by  the  Horse  Artillery, 
one  thanked  Providence  that  a  few  Gordons  re- 
mained in  front  with  a  solid  line  of  Coldstream 
Guards,  who  never  budged  an  inch  in  the  gen- 
eral retreat;  one  thanked  Providence,  too,  that 
the  Boers  had  no  artillery  in  action  to  scatter 
shrapnel  over  the  Highlanders'  retreat.  It  was 
difficult  to  say  what  would  happen  next,  until 
Major  Ewart,  the  brigade  major  of  the  High- 
landers, rode  up  with  an  order  from  the  com- 
manding officer,  which  was  almost  an  entreaty, 
to  the  effect  that  all  he  asked  of  the  Highland 
Brigade  was  to  hold  the  position  until  dark.  So 
riddled  and  shattered  was  the  brigade  that  Ewart 
had  actually  no  other  officer  with  him  to  help 
him  give  the  orders  to  the  scattered  men,  and 

[375] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

he  was  glad  to  have  the  assistance  of  Colonel 
Dawnay,  who  was  there  not  as  a  soldier,  but  as 
a  civilian,  surveying  the  battle  from  the  Horse 
Artillery  hill. 

It  was  only  two  o'clock  now,  so  that  it  was 
no  small  thing  to  ask  of  the  Highlanders  that 
they  should  again  face  the  galling  fire  from  the 
trenches  for  five  mortal  hours.  Still,  a  very  fair 
rally  was  effected;  the  pipers  played  somewhat 
dolefully,  the  bugles  blew  the  assembly,  and  the 
brigade,  stiffened  by  the  support  of  the  Scots 
Guards,  at  least  got  back  to  the  guns,  where 
they  had  a  certain  amount  of  cover,  and  were 
not  subject  to  the  dropping  fire  from  the  top  of 
the  kopjes,  where  a  few  Boers  were  still  lying 
in  shelter." 

Lord  Methuen,  in  his  report,  says  that  the 
heaviest  losses  of  the  day  occurred  during  this 
retreat.  His  idea  now  was  to  hold  on  until  dark 
and  then  try  to  rush  the  Boer  position.  So 
through  the  afternoon  the  firing  continued. 
But  as  the  day  went  on  it  became  more  and 
more  clear  that  the  men  were  not  capable  of 
further  effort.  The  Boers,  on  the  other  hand, 
encouraged  by  having  twice  repulsed  an  attack 
and  held  the  force  opposed  to  them  at  bay  during 
a  long  day,  seemed  to  be  becoming  aggressive. 
Once  or  twice  there  were  reports  that  they  were 
abandoning  the  kopjes,  but  these  were  only  the 

[376] 


The  Battle  of  Magersfontein 

movements  of  bodies  of  men  being  transferred 
from  point  to  point  of  Cronje's  line  of  battle. 
On  the  left  of  the  Magersfontein  hills  he  tried 
to  push  forward  a  counter  attack  along  the  river 
bank,  but  this  was  repulsed  by  the  Guards  and 
part  of  the  Ninth  Brigade.  At  half-past  five 
the  Boer  guns,  till  then  silent  for  hours,  began 
to  heavily  bombard  the  left  and  center  of  the 
British  line.  As  the  first  shells  burst  over  the 
Highlanders  the  brigade  again  gave  way  and  fell 
back  as  far  as  the  field  hospital.  With  troops 
thus  beaten  a  night  attack  was  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. 

The  firing  gradually  died  away  as  darkness 
came  on.  The  tired  troops  bivouacked  where 
they  stood,  and  the  doctors  and  ambulance 
parties  set  to  work  to  bring  in  the  wounded. 
The  Boers  had  taken  a  few  prisoners.  .  In  the 
early  morning,  some  of  the  Black  Watch,  the 
leading  regiment  of  Wauchope's  brigade,  had 
dashed  at  the  trenches,  and  those  of  them  who 
were  not  shot  down  were  cut  off  from  their  com- 
rades when  the  general  retreat  began,  and  were 
taken  prisoners.  When  the  second  advance 
was  made,  an  officer  and  about  thirty  Highland- 
ers who  had  pressed  well  to  the  front  found 
themselves  alone  within  close  range  of  the  Boer 
trenches.  They  lay  down  and  found  some  shel- 
ter in  a  hollow  of  the  ground,  from  which  they 

[377] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

kept  up  a  fire  at  the  enemy.  Towards  evening, 
as  the  general  conflict  lulled  for  a  while,  a  Boer 
rose  from  the  trench  close  in  front,  held  up  a 
hand,  and  asked  them  to  cease  fire.  He  then 
told  them  that  an  ambulance  was  being  brought 
up  to  get  away  some  wounded  men,  and  re- 
quested that  there  should  be  no  firing  for  a  few 
minutes.  The  Highlanders  agreed  to  this. 
When  the  ambulance  moved  off,  a  further  sug- 
gestion was  made.  The  Boer,  apparently  an 
officer,  pointed  out  to  the  little  party  that  they 
were  quite  isolated,  and  if  they  left  their  cover 
to  retire  they  would  be  the  mark  for  hundreds 
of  rifles.  "But,"  he  continued,  "we  don't  want 
to  take  any  more  prisoners.  If  you  retire  leav- 
ing your  rifles  on  the  ground,  no  one  will  fire  at 
you  till  you  have  reached  your  own  lines."  This 
proposal  was  agreed  to,  and  the  handful  of  men 
got  safely  back  to  the  brigade. 

There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  Boer 
loss  was  at  all  heavy.  So  long  as  they  lay  on 
the  veldt  or  behind  the  slightest  cover,  the  British 
suffered  only  trifling  loss.  All,  or  nearly  all,  the 
casualties  occurred  when  the  men  rose  to  ad- 
vance or  retire.  Now  the  Boers  throughout  the 
day  were  under  cover,  with  the  exception  of  one 
small  body  of  men,  the  Scandinavian  volunteers, 
who,  when  they  saw  the  British  retirement  in 
the  middle  of  the  day,  dashed  out  of  their  trench 

[378] 


The  Battle  of  Magersfontein 

to  attempt  a  counter  attack.  They  paid  dearly 
for  their  temerity.  Out  of  some  sixty  men  thirty 
were  killed  and  wounded.  This  was  the  heavi- 
est loss  suffered  at  any  one  point  by  the  Boers 
during  the  day. 

Lord  Methuen  had  some  hopes  of  renewing 
the  attack  next  day,  and  the  troops  slept  on  the 
battlefield,  most  of  them  supperless,  many  with- 
out even  a  drink  of  water.  As  soon  as  the  firing 
ceased,  the  ambulance  parties  set  to  work  to  col- 
lect the  wounded,  and,  although  the  men  were  so 
exhausted,  the  burial  of  the  dead  was  also  be- 
gun. There  was  a  vague  hope  that,  as  had  been 
the  case  at  the  Modder  River,  the  Boers  might 
abandon  the  position  during  the  hours  of  dark- 
ness. As  the  day  broke,  however,  it  was  found 
that  the  trenches  were  still  manned.  The  troops 
were  so  exhausted  and  had  lost  so  heavily,  that 
Lord  Methuen  gave  up  the  idea  of  renewing  the 
attack.  At  10  A.M.  orders  were  issued  to  return 
to  camp  at  Modder  Bridge.  By  two  o'clock  all 
the  troops  had  withdrawn.  There  was  a  little 
desultory  firing  during  the  retirement.  But  be- 
fore it  was  completed  a  truce  had  been  arranged 
for  the  purpose  of  clearing  the  field  of  the  dead 
and  wounded. 

There  is  no  doubt  the  long  exposure  on  the 
battlefield,  under  a  burning  sun,  the  shock  of 
the  first  surprise,  the  sense  of  failure,  and  the 

[379] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

heavy  loss  incurred  had  all  broken  down  to  a 
dangerous  extent  the  nerve  and  morale  of  the 
troops.  What  this  strain  and  exhaustion  can 
do  may  be  gathered  from  the  letter  of  a  Royal 
Engineer  who  was  employed  with  the  burial 
parties  on  the  night  of  the  battle.  He  and  his 
comrades  had  settled  down  in  the  camp  for  the 
night  after  a  hard  two  days'  work,  when  they 
were  suddenly  called  upon  for  help. 

"About  eight  o'clock,"  he  writes,  "some 
officers  of  the  Army  Medical  Corps  came  along, 
and  to  my  surprise  asked  for  volunteers  to  bury 
the  dead.  About  twenty  of  us  turned  out  and 
went.  We  had  to  walk  about  a  mile  to  the 
place.  At  last  the  officers  took  off  their  caps  as 
a  sentry  challenged  us  to  halt.  Well,  we  passed 
all  right,  and  then  a  sight  which  I  cannot  de- 
scribe or  ever  forget  met  my  gaze  —  rows  upon 
rows  of  dead.  The  commanding  officer  then 
came  up  and  spoke  to  us.  He  said  he  would 
not  have  asked  the  R.E.'s  for  help,  knowing  how 
they  all  had  worked,  only  all  the  troops  were 
thoroughly  done  up,  as  they  had  been  lying  in 
the  trenches  all  day,  all  the  night  before,  and 
nearly  all  the  day  before  that,  with  nothing  to 
eat  but  hard  biscuits,  as,  of  course,  no  provisions 
could  be  got  near  them.  The  dew  is  enough  to 
wet  any  one  through,  and  it  must  have  been 
horrible.  Well,  the  first  grave  we  dug  was  about 

[380] 


The  Battle  of  Magersfontein 

thirty  feet  long  and  three  feet  deep,  and  — 
would  you  believe  it  ?  —  we  put  fifty-three  Scots- 
men into  it  —  thirty-four  of  the  Black  Watch 
alone.  It  was  something  horrible,  and  every 
man  of  us  was  crying  all  the  time  we  worked; 
and  when,  after  we  had  placed  them  all  in,  the 
burial  service  was  going  on  before  we  covered 
them  over,  three  or  four  fainted,  whilst  the  others 
cried  so  loudly  that  you  could  hardly  hear  the 
minister.  After  the  bagpipes  had  played  the 
Dead  March  we  covered  them  over,  and  started 
on  another  grave,  when  some  of  our  gallant  sail- 
ors came  and  relieved  us,  and  we  all  went  back 
to  our  train  crying." 

General  Wauchope's  body  was  found  close 
up  to  the  Boer  trench.  It  bore  several  bullet 
wounds.  It  was  placed  in  a  coffin,  and  after  a 
solemn  funeral  service,  in  which  all  the  High- 
land Brigade  took  part,  it  was  removed  by  train 
to  Matjesfontein,  on  the  Karroo,  about  half  way 
to  Cape  Town,  where  it  was  entombed  in  the 
English  cemetery.  His  loss  was  felt  as  a  heavy 
blow  to  the  brigade.  But  in  a  few  days  the  men 
were  delighted  at  the  news  that  he  was  to  be  re- 
placed by  Hector  MacDonald,  a  typical  High- 
land soldier,  who  had  fought  his  way  to  a  Major- 
General's  commission,  beginning  as  a  private 
in  the  Black  Watch. 

During  the  two  days  after  the  battle  there 

[381] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

was  peace  along  the  veldt  by  the  Modder  River. 
The  truce  was  perilously  near  being  interrupted 
when,  on  the  first  day,  the  naval  brigade  by 
mistake  opened  fire.  Some  of  our  doctors  were 
talking  with  Cronje  just  outside  his  entrench- 
ments. The  Boer  general  took  out  his  watch 
and  said  that  he  would  give  them  five  minutes 
to  get  to  a  place  of  safety  in  their  own  lines  be- 
fore he  opened  fire.  "We  made  a  record  run," 
wrote  one  of  the  party,  "but  before  we  were 
half  way  we  met  one  of  Lord  Methuen's  staff 
officers  riding  across  to  explain  to  Commandant 
Cronje  that  the  guns  had  been  fired  by  a  mis- 
take of  the  officer  in  command."  The  Com- 
mandant accepted  the  explanation  with  the  re- 
mark that  he  hoped  it  would  be  remembered 
that  mistakes  might  happen  on  both  sides. 


[382] 


XVI 
The  Capture  of  Cronje 

By  A.  HILLIARD  ATTERIDGE. 

CRONJE'S  small  force,  of  a  little  more 
than  four  thousand  men  with  four  guns, 
held  about  a  mile  of  the  river-bed  on  a 
bend  of  the  Modder  and  the  broken  ground  for 
some  distance  from  the  river  margin  on  both 
sides  of  the  drift,  which  was  near  the  middle  of 
the  bend.  The  river  was  so  low  that  it  was 
really  fordable  anywhere,  but  it  could  only  be 
crossed  by  horses,  wagons,  and  guns  at  the  drifts, 
for  the  river-bed  formed  a  long  ravine  with  steep 
banks  forty  or  fifty  feet  high,  and  only  at  the 
drifts  was  it  at  all  easy  to  go  down  and  come  up 
out  of  it. 

The  Boers  had  been  at  work  digging  and  en- 
trenching since  they  first  halted  there.  They 
had  dug  trenches  on  the  veldt  near  the  banks, 
and,  considering  how  rapidly  they  had  been  con- 
structed, these  entrenchments  were  very  strong, 
and  they  were  splendidly  designed  to  afford 
cover  from  shell  fire.  They  were  four,  some- 
times five,  feet  deep.  They  had  been  traced 
out,  not  in  straight  lines,  but  broken  into  zig- 

[383] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

zags,  which  made  it  impossible  to  really  enfilade 
them.  As  a  further  protection  against  enfilade 
fire,  ground  was  left  unbroken  every  five  or  six 
feet  for  a  distance  of  a  foot  or  two,  and  this  un- 
broken ground  formed  traverses,  or  solid  walls, 
across  the  trench,  dividing  it  into  short  sections, 
and  if  a  shell  dropped  or  burst  in  one  of  these, 
it  would  only  injure  the  two  or  three  men  in  the 
section,  without  hurting  those  on  the  right  or 
left. 

The  trenches  were  dug  in  a  stiff,  stony  soil,  and 
the  excavation  was  a  little  wider  at  the  bottom 
than  at  the  top,  so  that  men  crouching  in  the 
trench  close  to  its  side  were  very  completely  shel- 
tered. Besides  these  trenches,  the  Boers  dug 
little  caves  and  holes  in  both  sides  of  the  river 
bank.  A  few  of  these  were  large  enough  to 
stable  horses  in  them.  They  had  two  British 
officers  prisoners  with  them,  and  they  dug  a  cave 
for  them,  where  they  could  crouch  during  the 
bombardment,  and  so  be  sheltered  from  the  fire 
of  their  own  countrymen.  After  the  battle  on 
the  Sunday,  Cronje  buried  his  dead  in  the  dry 
bed  of  the  river,  but  he  could  not  thus  dispose 
of  the  large  number  of  horses,  draught  oxen,  and 
mules  that  had  been  killed  by  the  bombardment. 
Some  of  these  he  succeeded  in  floating  down  the 
river;  some  of  the  oxen  were  cut  up  and  cooked 
for  food ;  but  do  what  he  would,  there  were  hun- 

[384] 


The  Capture  of  Cronje 

dreds  of  carcasses  rotting  in  the  hot  sun,  fouling 
the  air  and  the  water,  and  making  the  en- 
trenched laager  almost  uninhabitable.  The  mar- 
vel is  that  under  such  conditions  the  Boers  held 
out  so  long. 

About  four  miles  to  the  southeast  De  Wet's 
small  force  held  a  group  of  kopjes,  and  his  pres- 
ence there  prevented  Cronje  from  being  com- 
pletely surrounded  during  the  first  four  days  of 
the  attack  upon  him.  De  Wet  was  not  strong 
enough  to  bring  him  effectual  succor,  but  was 
in  hopes  of  being  reinforced  —  for  the  news  had 
spread  through  all  the  Boer  armies  that  Cronje, 
the  besieger  of  Mafeking  and  Kimberley,  and  the 
victor  of  Krugersdorp  and  Magersfontein,  was 
himself  besieged,  and  in  desperate  straits,  at 
Paardeberg.  From  Colesberg,  from  Stormberg, 
and  from  the  camp  before  Ladysmith,  the  Free 
Staters  were  trooping  back  into  their  own  coun- 
try to  co-operate  with  De  Wet  in  an  attempt  to 
relieve  him.  The  Boers  who  had  besieged  Kim- 
berley and  escaped  to  the  northward  had  been 
skirmishing  with  Methuen's  outposts  on  the 
railway  between  Kimberley  and  Fourteen 
Streams.  But  a  portion  even  of  this  force  was 
making  its  way  into  the  Free  State,  part  of  it 
across  the  veldt  by  Boshof ,  and  part  of  it  through 
the  Transvaal.  This  latter  force  marched  up 
the  north  bank  of  the  Vaal  to  Klarksdorp,  and 

[385] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

was  then  sent  on  by  railway  to  Johannesburg 
and  Kroonstad. 

If  the  Boer  leaders  had  anticipated  that  Cronje 
would  be  able  to  hold  the  river-bed  for  ten  days, 
they  might  have  arranged  a  combined  movement 
of  a  large  force  for  his  rescue ;  but  they  thought, 
not  unnaturally,  that  he  might  be  forced  to  sur- 
render at  any  moment,  and  in  their  eagerness  to 
assist  him  they  came  up  in  an  ill-organized,  frag- 
mentary way,  and  these  small  parties,  coming 
into  action  in  succession,  were  driven  off  or  held 
at  bay  by  the  British  cavalry  and  mounted  in- 
fantry. Meanwhile  the  movement  had  for  its 
chief  result  the  weakening  of  the  resistance  they 
could  oppose  to  Clements  at  Arundel,  to  Gatacre 
near  Stormberg,  and  to  Buller  on  the  Tugela. 
They  might  have  hoped  for  better  results  if  they 
had  kept  their  army  intact  in  Natal,  and  used 
the  forces  that  were  actually  moved  northwards 
to  the  Orange  River  for  a  march  westward 
against  the  railway  and  the  convoy  route  on 
which  Lord  Roberts  depended  for  his  supplies. 

Beginning  as  soon  as  he  reached  the  scene  of 
action,  Lord  Roberts  proceeded  to  entrench  the 
positions  held  by  his  own  troops,  and  to  bring 
up  every  gun  and  howitzer  he  could  dispose  of 
to  bombard  Cronje's  laager,  until  at  last  he  had 
one  hundred  and  twenty  guns  in  position.  Day 
after  day  these  poured  a  storm  of  shells  into  the 

[386] 


The  Capture  of  Cronje 

laager,  so  that  those  who  watched  the  bombard- 
ment wondered  how  anyone  could  survive  in  the 
Boer  lines.  But  the  loss  of  life  was  remarkably 
small,  so  well  had  the  Boers  entrenched  them- 
selves. In  other  ways,  however,  the  bombard- 
ment did  great  damage,  killing  horses  and 
oxen,  burning  supply  wagons,  and  occasionally 
blowing  up  ammunition.  Towards  the  end  of 
the  week  the  British  engineers  began  to  sap  their 
way  towards  the  western  end  of  the  Boer  lines, 
digging  trenches  and  zigzag  connecting  saps  on 
both  banks  of  the  river  and  in  the  bed  of  it,  so 
as  to  gradually  get  sufficiently  near  to  the  enemy's 
position  for  an  attempt  to  be  made  to  rush  it. 

On  Tuesday,  February  20, 1900,  French  carried 
out  a  successful  attack  on  the  outlying  kopjes 
held  by  De  Wet.  A  mixed  force  of  cavalry  and 
mounted  infantry,  with  some  of  the  field  and 
horse  batteries,  simultaneously  threatened  De 
Wet  in  front  and  made  a  flanking  movement 
against  his  line  of  retreat.  The  attack  was  made 
at  dawn,  and  the  Boers  did  not  make  a  long 
stand.  As  soon  as  the  movement  against  their 
line  of  retreat  began  to  develop,  they  abandoned 
the  kopjes,  taking  their  guns  and  wagons  with 
them.  An  attempt  to  pursue  them  and  capture 
the  guns  ended  in  failure,  and  one  of  the  British 
batteries  itself  had  a  very  narrow  escape.  The 
mixed  Household  Cavalry  regiment,  with  the 

[387] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

battery,  started  after  the  Boers  at  a  gallop,  but 
the  horses  soon  tired,  and  then  the  guns  unlim- 
bered  and  shelled  the  Boer  column. 

The  only  result  of  this  fire  was  to  disable  a 
wagon  which  the  enemy  abandoned.  It  was 
found  to  be  a  captured  British  Royal  Engineer 
wagon  full  of  miscellaneous  stores.  After  secur- 
ing the  disabled  wagon  the  cavalry  and  guns 
again  moved  forward,  and  five  or  six  hundred 
mounted  men  were  seen  to  the  right  front.  They 
were  thought  at  first  to  be  Broadwood's  brigade, 
which  was  on  that  side,  but  suddenly  a  number 
of  them  dismounted  and  began  to  advance,  firing 
rapidly  with  their  rifles.  The  guns  were  or- 
dered to  come  into  action  against  them,  but  the 
ground  was  encumbered  with  wire  fences,  and 
some  of  the  teams  got  mixed  up  with  them,  so 
that  there  was  an  anxious  moment  of  confusion. 
But  as  soon  as  the  battery  opened  fire  the  enemy 
again  retreated.  Gordon's  brigade  now  came 
up  and  pursued  for  a  while,  capturing  about 
thirty  prisoners  and  some  wagons,  but  his  horses 
were  so  tired  that  it  was  impossible  to  go  far. 
So  De  Wet  got  away  with  his  guns.  Neverthe- 
less, the  morning's  work  had  a  substantial  result, 
for  the  kopjes  which  they  had  held  for  two  days 
were  now  clear  of  the  Boers,  and  Cronje  was 
completely  surrounded.  French  established  his 
headquarters  at  Koodoosrand  Drift,  east  of 

[388] 


The  Capture  of  Cronje 

Paardeberg,  and  during  the  remaining  days  of 
the  siege  his  special  work  was  to  watch  with 
patrols  the  country  to  the  east  and  south,  while 
two  cavalry  brigades  and  some  batteries  were 
kept  ready  to  turn  out  on  the  briefest  notice,  to 
deal  with  any  party  of  the  enemy  that  might  be 
coming  up  to  the  rescue. 

On  the  Wednesday  morning  there  was  a  brief 
truce,  as  Lord  Roberts  sent  in  a  messenger  with 
a  white  flag  to  inform  Cronje  that  he  was  willing 
to  allow  the  Boer  women  to  come  out  of  the 
laager.  He  also  offered  to  send  him  doctors  and 
a  supply  of  medicine  for  the  sick  and  wounded. 
Cronje  replied  that  he  did  not  want  any  medical 
assistance,  and  that  the  women  would  remain 
in  the  laager.  The  bombardment  then  began 
again.  There  was  some  skirmishing  to  the  east- 
ward between  French  and  the  Boer  parties  that 
were  in  movement  on  the  veldt,  and  about 
seventy  prisoners  were  taken.  Altogether  dur- 
ing the  investment  the  cavalry  captured  more 
than  four  hundred  of  the  enemy.  A  few  more 
prisoners  were  made  every  night  by  the  infantry, 
as  in  the  dark  some  of  the  burghers  would  steal 
out  from  Cronje's  lines  and  surrender  individ- 
ually. A  few  others  left  the  laager  in  the  same 
way  under  cover  of  darkness,  but  not  to  sur- 
render. They  were  more  determined  men,  who 
recognized  that  the  Boer  resistance  in  the  river- 

[389] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

bed  must  end  before  long,  and  who  had  resolved 
to  escape  the  surrender  and  continue  the  fight 
under  the  Transvaal  flag.  They  eluded  the 
sentries,  stole  in  the  darkness  along  some  water- 
course or  ravine  between  the  camps,  and  suc- 
ceeded at  last  in  joining  one  of  the  many  parties 
of  Boers  that  were  hovering  round  the  lines. 
Among  those  who  thus  escaped  was  the  French 
colonel,  Villebois  de  Mareuil. 

On  the  Thursday  afternoon  there  was  a  heavy 
thunderstorm,  and  the  rain  filled  for  a  short  time 
a  great  part  of  the  river-bed  and  flooded  some  of 
the  Boer  trenches.  At  dawn  on  the  Friday 
morning  De  Wet  made  another  attempt  to  suc- 
cor the  besieged.  He  had  about  fifteen  hundred 
men  with  him.  He  nearly  succeeded  in  surpris- 
ing the  outposts  on  the  south  bank,  and  when 
his  first  attack  failed  he  held  his  own  for  some 
hours  on  some  low  ridges  near  the  Petrusburg 
road.  During  the  fighting  Cronje  tried  to  bring 
his  guns  into  action,  but  they  were  soon  silenced 
by  the  converging  fire  of  Roberts's  artillery.  It 
was  not  till  the  afternoon  that  De  Wet  retreated, 
and  about  eighty  of  his  men,  who  delayed  their 
retirement  too  long,  were  made  prisoners  by  the 
East  Kent  Regiment  ("The  Buffs").  Some  of 
the  prisoners  said  they  had  come  from  Coles- 
berg,  others  that  they  had  just  arrived  from  the 
Boer  laagers  before  Ladysmith. 

[390] 


The  Capture  of  Cronje 

When  the  second  week  of  the  siege  began,  the 
engineers  were  put  to  work  to  the  east  as  well  as 
to  the  west  of  the  laager,  their  approaches  having 
the  double  purpose  of  preparing  for  the  storming 
of  the  Boer  position  and  preventing  the  enemy 
from  escaping  eastward  along  the  great  ravine 
of  the  river-bed.  The  situation  of  the  Boers  was 
becoming  every  day  more  difficult  to  maintain. 
So  much  of  their  provisions  had  been  destroyed 
that  supplies  were  running  short.  Enormous 
quantities  of  ammunition  had  been  blown  up 
by  the  bombardment;  the  water,  and  even  the 
air,  in  the  ravine,  were  becoming  pestilential, 
and  it  was  evident  that  De  Wet's  efforts  to  open  a 
way  for  relief  had  ended  in  failure.  Even  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  first  week,  several  of  the  com- 
mandants were  anxious  to  surrender,  but  day 
after  day  Cronje  refused  to  listen  to  any  talk  of 
negotiations,  and  his  iron  determination  forced 
the  rest  to  continue  the  resistance. 

On  Monday,  the  26th,  there  was  a  council  of 
war.  The  two  commandants  who  stood  next  to 
Cronje  in  rank  -  -  Wolmarans,  who  acted  as  his 
chief  of  the  staff,  and  De  Roos,  one  of  the  Free 
State  leaders  —  both  strongly  urged  that  further 
resistance  had  become  impossible,  and  could  only 
end  in  useless  death  and  suffering.  De  Roos 
was  too  ill  to  leave  the  hole  dug  in  the  river  bank, 
in  which  he  had  been  lying  down  for  some  days; 

[391] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

but  he  set  forth  his  views  in  a  letter  to  the  coun- 
cil of  war.  Cronje  at  first  maintained  his  "no 
surrender"  attitude,  and  protested  that  for  his 
part  he  preferred  to  die  in  the  entrenchments 
rather  than  become  a  prisoner.  But  he  soon 
saw  that  most  of  his  officers  would  not  support 
him,  and  at  last  a  compromise  was  reached. 
The  council  decided  that  resistance  should  con- 
tinue till  next  day.  If  the  relief  that  had  been  so 
long  expected  did  not  then  arrive,  the  white  flag 
would  be  hoisted. 

By  a  strange  coincidence,  the  next  day  (Tues- 
day, February  27)  was  the  anniversary  of  Ma- 
juba,  and  Lord  Roberts  had  decided  that  an 
attempt  should  be  made  that  morning  to  storm 
the  Boer  laager.  The  attack  was  to  be  made,  in 
the  darkness  before  the  dawn,  along  the  river- 
bed on  the  western  side  of  the  laager.  On  that 
side,  the  trench  in  the  bed  of  the  river  was  now 
only  five  hundred  yards  from  the  Boer  defences. 
The  Canadian  infantry  of  Smith-Dorrien's  brig- 
ade were  to  steal  forward  from  the  trench,  and  if 
possible  surprise  the  Boer  defences  and  carry 
them  with  the  bayonet.  The  rest  of  the  brigade 
was  placed  in  position  partly  on  the  banks  on 
each  side,  to  protect  the  Canadians  if  they  were 
forced  to  retire,  partly  in  the  river-bed  to  follow 
them  up  and  support  them  if  the  first  rush  suc- 
ceeded. The  orders  to  the  Canadians  were 

[392] 


The  Capture  of  Cronje 

that  if  the  surprise  failed  and  the  Boers  opened 
fire,  they  were  at  once  to  throw  themselves  on 
their  faces  and  then  slip  back  into  the  trench. 

It  was  a  bright  starlit  night.  The  secret  of 
the  coming  attempt  had  been  so  well  kept  that 
there  was  general  surprise,  even  in  the  British 
lines,  when,  an  hour  before  dawn,  a  heavy  rifle 
fire  burst  out  along  the  river  on  the  west  side  of 
the  laager,  and  the  rumor  spread  that  the  Boers 
were  making  a  desperate  sortie  and  trying  to  cut 
their  way  out  in  the  darkness.  What  had  really 
happened  was  this:  the  Canadians,  the  First 
French  Company  again  leading,  had  stolen 
silently  forward  until  they  were  about  fifty  yards 
from  the  nearest  Boer  trench.  Then  the  enemy 
became  aware  of  their  danger,  and  suddenly  the 
trench  in  front  of  the  Canadians  blazed  with 
Mauser  flashes,  and  the  flying  bullets  swept  the 
ravine,  at  this  point  only  one  hundred  and  fifty 
yards  wide. 

Some  officers  and  several  men  of  the  Cana- 
dians fell,  but  the  rest  were  perfectly  steady  and 
obeyed  their  orders.  It  was  no  longer  possible 
to  rush  the  trench,  so  they  lay  down,  and  with- 
out firing  a  shot  began  to  work  their  way  back- 
ward along  the  ravine.  The  Shropshire  Regi- 
ment, which  had  moved  forward  along  the  high 
bank  of  the  river  on  their  flank,  protected  their 
retreat  by  firing  into  the  Boer  trench,  and  it  had 

[393] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXiH  Century 

also  exchanged  fire  with  some  Boers  in  its  own 
front.  After  a  few  minutes  the  heavy  firing 
ceased,  but  for  some  time  after  occasional  shots 
were  fired  from  various  parts  of  the  Boer  lines, 
as  the  enemy,  now  thoroughly  on  the  alert, 
imagined  they  saw  signs  of  an  attack  upon  them 
in  the  dark.  As  the  twilight  began  this  irregular 
firing  ceased,  and  as  the  sun  rose  all  was  quiet 
along  the  lines.  For  the  first  time  for  many 
days  the  British  guns  remained  silent,  while  it 
was  seen  that  a  white  flag  had  just  been  hoisted 
on  a  small  kopje  near  the  drift  and  within  the 
Boer  lines. 

Cheer  after  cheer  was  raised  by  the  British  at 
this  sign  of  surrender,  and  men  reminded  each 
other  that  it  was  Majuba  Day.  But  it  was  a 
few  hours  yet  ere  the  surrender  was  completed. 
Cronje  was  making  a  last  despairing  attempt  to 
obtain  terms.  Commandant  Wolmarans  and 
another  Boer  officer  rode  out  with  a  white  flag 
to  Lord  Roberts's  headquarters.  It  was  no- 
ticed that  both  of  their  horses  were  slightly 
wounded,  probably  by  shrapnel  bullets  during 
the  investment.  The  riders  looked  haggard  and 
worn,  as  they  well  might  be.  They  suggested 
that  Cronje' s  army  had  by  its  honorable  resist- 
ance deserved  to  be  given  lenient  terms,  and  they 
asked  that  the  burghers  should  be  allowed  to 
depart  to  their  homes.  Lord  Roberts,  while 

[394] 


The  Capture  of  Cronje 

expressing  his  admiration  for  the  way  in  which 
the  Boers  had  kept  their  flag  flying  for  so  many 
days,  told  Wolmarans  that  the  surrender  must 
be  unconditional,  and  that  Cronje  and  his  army 
must  become  prisoners  of  war.  The  officers 
rode  back  to  .the  laager  with  this  message,  and 
at  seven  o'clock  Cronje  himself  rode  out  with 
Wolmarans.  Lord  Roberts  received  him  with 
chivalrous  courtsey.  An  officer  rode  into  the 
headquarters'  camp  with  the  news  that  the  Boer 
general  was  coming,  and  Roberts  at  once  ordered 
that  on  his  arrival  the  headquarters'  guard 
should  turn  out  and  present  arms  to  the  defeated 
Boer  leader.  As  he  dismounted,  Roberts  walked 
forward  to  meet  him,  shook  hands  with  him, 
and  warmly  congratulated  him  on  the  splendid 
defence  that  he  had  made.  Cronje  asked  that 
he  should  be  allowed  to  take  with  him,  wherever 
he  was  sent,  his  wife,  who  was  just  then  coming 
from  the  laager  in  a  small  cart,  his  grandson,  his 
secretary,  and  one  of  his  staff  officers.  Lord 
Roberts  told  him  that  his  request  would  be 
granted,  and  that  he  would  be  sent  to  Cape  Town 
escorted  by  a  British  general  officer  to  insure 
that  he  should  be  treated  with  due  respect  upon 
the  way. 

The  Boers  had  already  begun  streaming  out 
of  the  laager  in  crowds  and  laying  down  their 
arms.  It  was  with  surprise  that  the  British  dis- 

[395] 


Famous  Battles  of  the  XIXTH  Century 

covered  that  the  force  which  had  so  long  held 
its  own  against  them  was  a  little  over  four  thou- 
sand strong.  Two  thousand  seven  hundred 
were  Transvaalers ;  the  rest  men  of  the  Free 
State.  Their  losses  had  been  less  than  three 
hundred,  and  they  had  nearly  one  hundred 
severely  wounded  among  them,  and  many  sick. 
The  men  were  of  all  ages,  from  gray-bearded 
veterans  who  had  fought  against  the  Zulus  in  the 
early  days  of  the  republics,  to  young  boys  who 
seemed  hardly  big  enough  to  handle  a  rifle.  All 
looked  haggard  and  worn,  and  very  many  were 
evidently  ill.  They  had  thrown  away  their 
bandoliers  with  their  rifles,  and  as  they  wore  no 
uniform,  and  moved  in  no  military  formation, 
they  looked  more  like  a  crowd  of  ragged  men  out 
of  work  than  soldiers  who  had  fought  through  a 
campaign. 

It  must  be  said,  to  the  honor  of  the  British, 
that  as  soon  as  the  Boers  came  out  among  them, 
they  thought  less  of  their  success  and  of  "Ma- 
juba  Day"  than  of  succoring  the  prisoners.  The 
British  were  themselves  on  half-rations,  but  on 
all  sides  they  were  seen  sharing  their  biscuits 
with  the  prisoners,  giving  them  water  from  their 
bottles,  and  offering  them  tobacco  from  their 
pouches. 

Cronje  and  his  companions  were  sent  off  dur- 
ing the  morning  en  route  for  the  railway  to  Cape 

[396] 


The  Capture  of  Cronje 

Town,  under  the  escort  of  the  Mounted  Infantry 
of  the  C.I.V.,  and  accompanied  by  Lord  Rob- 
erts's  old  comrade  of  the  Afghan  war,  General 
Pretyman.  There  were  very  few  of  the  foreign 
officers  among  the  prisoners,  and  the  only  one 
of  importance  was  Colonel  Albrecht,  the  German 
commander  of  the  Free  State  Artillery.  Four 
of  his  Krupp  guns  were  found  in  the  laager,  but 
their  sights,  breech-blocks,  and  elevating  screws 
had  been  taken  out  and  buried  somewhere  be- 
fore the  surrender. 

The  Boer  prisoners  were  sent  down  in  parties 
to  Cape  Town,  where  a  number  of  them  were 
soon  ill  with  enteric  fever,  the  result  of  drinking 
the  infected  water  at  Paardeberg.  As  the  British 
troops  had  had  to  use  the  water  of  the  Modder 
during  the  siege,  the  same  disease  soon  showed 
itself  in  many  of  their  regiments.  About  fifteen 
hundred  British  had  been  killed  and  wounded 
during  the  operations,  mostly  in  Kitchener's 
battle,  and  the  subsequent  loss,  by  disease 
contracted  during  the  same  period,  was  even 
greater.  On  the  day  of  the  surrender,  the  vic- 
torious army  was  almost  as  short  of  supplies  as 
Cronje's  force,  and  after  the  victory  Lord  Rob- 
erts halted  his  army  for  some  days  to  give  the 
men  a  rest,  obtain  some  more  horses  for  the  cav- 
alry, and  accumulate  a  much-needed  reserve  of 
forage,  provisions,  and  ammunition. 

[397] 


NOTES 

The  following  brief  resume  of  the  Wars  from  1875  to  1900, 
their  causes  and  results,  will  give  an  idea  of  the  historic  setting,  so 
to  speak,  of  the  famous  battles  described  in  this  volume.  A  num- 
ber of  small  expeditions  in  Africa  and  India,  and  much  revolu- 
tionary fighting  in  South  America,  are  not  included  in  the  list. 

1875 — ASIA. — September  4  and  21:  Russians  invade  Khokand 
and  defeat  the  Khan's  troops.     War  begun  between  Dutch 
in  Sumatra  and  Sultan  of  Achim  —  continues  till  1879. 
AFRICA,  ABYSSINIA. — October:  Egyptian  expedition  defeated. 

1876 — SERVIAN  WAR. — Servia  and  Montenegro,  assisted  by 
Russia,  make  war  on  Turkey.  July  1 :  War  begins.  July 
2  and  3:  Indecisive  actions  at  Zaitschar.  July  6:  Turkish 
victory  at  Novi-bazaar.  July  28:  Montenegrins  defeat 
Turks  at  Urbitza.  August  5  and  7:  Turkish  victories 
at  Gurgusovatz.  August-October:  Servians  holding  en- 
trenched camp  at  Alexinatz,  receiving  reinforcements  and 
supplies  from  abroad,  and  trying  to  hold  on  till  they  are 
strong  enough  to  assume  offensive,  or  till  Russia  moves; 
continual  fighting  round  Alexinatz,  much  of  it  mere  skir- 
mishing, ending  with  (October  31)  Battle  of  Alexinatz; 
Russo-Servian  army  defeated;  armistice  follows. 
CENTRAL  ASIA. — Battle  of  Assake;  decisive  Russian  victory 

in  Khokand. 

AMERICA. — June:  Battle  of  the  Little  Big  Horn;  destruction 
of  Ouster's  force  by  Indians. 
[399] 


Notes 

1877 — Russo-TuBKiSH  WAR  (Intervention  of  Russia  on  behalf 
of  Bulgarians). — April  24:  War  declared.  Russia  enters 
Ron  mania.  June  26:  Passage  of  the  Danube  at  Simnitza. 
July  7-18:  Gourko's  raid  across  the  Balkans;  he  captures 
the  Shipka  Pass.  July  16:  Russians  take  Nicopolis.  July 
20:  first  battle  of  Plevna.  Defeat  of  Russians.  July  30: 
second  battle  of  Plevna.  Russians  defeated  by  Osman 
Pasha.  August  17-23:  Suleiman's  attacks  on  Shipka  Pass 
repelled  by  Russians.  September  6-12:  Joint  Roumanian 
and  Russian  attack  on  Osman  Pasha;  third  battle  of  Plevna; 
Turkish  victory;  regular  siege  of  Plevna  begun.  December 
4:  Russian  defeat  at  Elena.  December  10:  Fourth  battle 
of  Plevna;  Osman  surrenders.  Winter  march  of  Russians 
across  Balkans. 

THE  WAR  IN  ASIA. — October  14-15:  Mukhtar  Pasha,  after 
having  driven  Russians  back  to  the  frontier,  is  defeated  at 
the  Aladja  Dagh.  November  17-18:  Kars  stormed  by  the 
Russians. 

1878 — WAR  IN  EUROPE  (continued). — January  2:  Gourko  occu- 
pies Sofia.  January  3:  Battle  of  Itchiman;  Turks  defeated. 
January  9 :  Turkish  army  surrenders  at  the  Shipka.  Janu- 
ary 16-17:  Fighting  near  Philippopolis.  January  18:  Rus- 
sians enter  Adrianople.  January  30:  They  reach  the  shore 
of  the  Sea  of  Marmora,  near  Constantinople. 
[Treaty  of  San  Stefano  (revised  by  Treaty  of  Berlin)  ends  war; 
I  {on  ma  nia.  Servia,  and  Montenegro  secure  independence; 
Principality  of  Bulgaria  and  tributary  State  of  Eastern 
Roumelia  created;  territory  ceded  to  Russia  in  Europe  and 
Asia;  Austria  occupies  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  meeting 
with  some  armed  resistance  (1878-79).  England  occupies 
Cyprus.] 

AMERICA. — Cuban  rebellion  (begun  in  1868)  suppressed. 
ASIA. — AFGHAN  WAR. — November  22 :  Ah'  Musjid  (entrance  to 
Khyber  Pass)  taken.     December  2 :  Battle  of  Peimar  Kotal. 
[400] 


Notes 

1879— April  2:  Battle  of  Futtehabad.  October  6:  Battle  of 
Charasiab.  December  :  Fighting  about  Cabul. 

ZULU  WAR. — January  22 :  British  force  destroyed  at  Insandhl- 
wana;  defence  of  Rorke's  Drift.  July  4:  Decisive  defeat 
of  Zulus  at  Ulundi. 

SOUTH  AMERICA. — Chili  declares  war  against  Peru  and  Bolivia. 
October  8 :  Capture  of  Peruvian  ram  Huascar  by  the  Chil- 
ians. November  21 :  Battle  of  Dolores. 

1880 — AFGHAN  WAR  (continued). — April  19:  Stewart's  victory 
at  Ahmed  Khel.  July  27:  Ayub  Khan  defeats  Burrows  at 
Maiwand.  September  1 :  Roberts  completely  defeats  Ayub 
near  Cabul. 

1881 — TRANSVAAL  WAR. — January  28:  Battle  of  Laing's  Nek; 
February  8:  Ingogo  River;  February  26:  Majuba  Hill; 
British  defeated  by  Boers. 

CENTRAL  ASIA. — January  24:  Turkoman  stronghold  of  Geok 
Tepe  taken  by  Russians  under  Skobeleff. 

SOUTH  AMERICA. — War  between  Chili  and  Peru  continued. 
January  17:  Battle  of  Miraflores;  Peruvians  defeated.  June 
21 :  Lima  taken  by  Chilians;  end  of  war. 

NORTH  AFRICA. — French  occupy  Tunis;  fighting  at  Sfax. 
1882 — EGYPTIAN  WAR. — July  11:  Bombardment  of  Alexandria. 
August  24-25:  Fighting  at  Tel-el-Mahuta  and  Masameh. 
August  28  and  September  9:  Kassassin.     September  13: 
Battle  of  Tel-el-Kebir;  defeat  of  Arabi  by  Wolseley. 
1883 — CAMPAIGNS  AGAINST  THE  MAHDISTS. — November  3-5: 
Battle  of  Kashgal;  Egyptian  Army  under  Hicks  destroyed. 

ASIA. — French  expedition  to  Tonkin;  Admiral  Courbet  block- 
ades the  coast  and  forces  Court  of  Hue  to  accept  French 
protectorate.     December  11-16:  Capture  of  Son-tai. 
1884— AFRICA.— Mahdist  War.— February  4:  First   Battle  of 
Teb;   Baker's   Egyptian   army   destroyed.     February   29: 
Second  Battle  of  Teb;  and  March  13:  Battle  of  Tamai; 
Soudanese  under  Osman  Digna  defeated  by  British  under 
[401] 


Notes 

Graham;  Gordon  goes  up  to  Khartoum,  where  he  is  be- 
sieged by  Mahdists  during  latter  part  of  year;  rescue  expedi- 
tion under  Wolseley  is  sent  up  the  Nile.  September:  Ad- 
vance begins.  November:  Second  Cataract  passed.  De- 
cember: Desert  Column  under  Stewart  organized  to  march 
across  desert  to  Metemneh. 

FRENCH  WAR  WITH  CHINA. — August  24:  French  fleet  destroys 
Chinese  flotilla,  and  bombards  arsenal  at  Foochow.  1884- 
5 :  French  occupy  Formosa. 

1885 — AFRICA. — MAHDIST  WAR  (Nile  Expedition  continued). — 
January  17:  Battle  of  Abu-Klea;  Desert  Column  defeats 
Mahdists.  January  19:  Battle  of  Gubat;  Mahdist  defeat. 
January  26:  Mahdists  take  Khartoum;  Gordon  killed. 
January  28 :  Wilson  with  steamers  arrives  in  sight  of  Khar- 
toum; too  late.  February  10:  Battle  of  Kerbekan;  River 
Column  defeats  Mahdists;  Earle  killed.  Second  Expedi- 
tion to  Suakim.  March  20:  Battle  of  Hasheen.  March 
22:  Battle  of  Tofrek;  Mahdist  defeats. 

CENTRAL  ASIA. — March  30:  Russians  attack  and  defeat  Af- 
ghan force  at  Ak  Tapa. 

AMERICA. — CANADA. — SECOND  REVOLT  OF  RIEL. — -Canadians 
defeat  rebels  at  Fish  Creek  (April  24),  Battleford  (May  3), 
and  Batoche  (May  9). 

ASIA. — THIRD  BURMESE  WAR. — October:  Ultimatum  to  King 
Theebaw.  November  15:  British  force  under  Prendergast 
crosses  Burmese  frontier  and  ascends  the  Irrawaddy.  No- 
vember 28:  Mandalay  taken;  Burmah  annexed.  (Coun- 
try not  completely  pacified  for  two  years,  during  which  there 
is  desultory  fighting  with  the  Dacoits.) 

SERVO-BULGARIAN  WAR — November  14:  Servian  troops  cross 
Bulgarian  frontier.  November  17,  18,  19:  Bulgarians  de- 
feat Servians  in  three-days'  battle  at  Slivnitza.  November 
22:  Bulgarians  storm  Dragoman  Pass.  November  24: 
They  defeat  Servians  at  Zaribrod,  and  (November  26) 
[402] 


Notes 

enter  Servia.    November  27 :  they  take  Pirot.    November  28 : 
Armistice. 
1887 — AFRICA. — Battle  of  Dogali;  Italian  force  destroyed  by 

Abyssinians. 
1888 — AFRICA. — December  20:  Mahdists  defeated  near  Suakim 

by  Anglo-Egyptian  force  under  Grenfell. 

1889 — AFRICA. — SOUDAN. — July  2:  Battle  of  Arguin;  Wode- 
house  defeats  Mahdists.  August  3:  Battle  of  Toski;  Gren- 
fell defeats  Mahdists. 

AFRICA  (EAST). — October  27 :  Storming  of  Witu,  near  Zanzibar. 
1891 — AFRICA. — February  19:  Battle  of  Tokar;  Mahdists  under 

Osman  Digna  defeated. 
SOUTH  AMERICA. — CIVIL  WAR  IN  CHILI. — August  28:  Battle 

of  Placilla;  the  dictator  Balmaceda  defeated. 
INDIA. — December:    Hunza-Nagar   expedition;    storming   of 

the  Nilt  Forts. 
1892 — AFRICA. — January:  Italians  defeat  Mahdists  at  Agordat 

in  the  Soudan. 

FRENCH  EXPEDITION  TO  DAHOMEY. — November. 
1893 — AFRICA. — French  occupy  Timbuctoo. 
BRITISH  INVASION  OF  MATABELELAND. 

ASIA. — FRENCH  DISPUTE  WITH  SIAM. — July  13:  French  gun- 
boats force  entrance  of  the  Menam  River. 

1894-5 — WAR   BETWEEN   CHINA   AND   JAPAN. — August:    War 
declared.    September  16:  Battle  of  Ping-yang  (Corea);  Chi- 
nese defeat.     September  18 :  Naval  Battle  of  the  Yalu  River. 
November  21 :  Japanese  take  Port  Arthur. 
1895 — February  14:  Japanese  take  Wei-hai-wei. 

BRITISH  EXPEDITION  TO  CHITRAL. — April  3:  Storming  of  the 

Malakhand  Pass. 

INSURRECTION  IN  CUBA  begins  on  February  24. 
FRENCH  INVASION  OF  MADAGASCAR. — September. 
ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  IN  ABYSSINIA. 

1896 — THE  TRANSVAAL. — Jameson's  raid.    January  1  and  2. 

[4031, 


Notes 

ABYSSINIA. — March  1 :  Adowa;  Italians  defeated. 

SOUDAN. — Advance  on  the  Nile.  June  7:  Battle  of  Firket. 
September  19:  Hafir.  September  23:  Dongola  taken. 

SOUTH  AFRICA. — March:  Matabele  rising  begins. 
1897 — NIGER   CAMPAIGN. — January   27:   Bida.     February  .16: 
Ilorin. 

BENIN  EXPEDITION. — February  18:  Capture  of  Benin. 

GRECO-TURKISH  WAR. — April  19:  Maluna  Pass.  April  23: 
Larissa  taken.  May  5:  Pharsala.  May  16:  Domoko. 

SOUDAN. — August  7:  Battle  of  Abu  Hamed. 

INDIA. — July :  Rising  on  the  N.  W.  Frontier.  August :  Fighting 
on  the  Malakand  and  near  Peshawur.  October  21 :  Dargai. 
November:  March  into  Tirah  valley 

1898 — SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR. — April  22 :  Blockade  of  Havana. 
May  1:  Battle  of  Manila  Bay.  May  12:  Bombardment  of 
San  Juan.  June  6:  Bombardment  of  Santiago  Forts.  July 
1-2:  Land  battles  before  Santiago.  July  3:  Destruction  of 
Cervera's  fleet.  July  16:  Santiago  surrenders.  July- 
August:  Miles 's  campaign  in  Puerto  Rico.  August  13: 
Manila  taken. 

SOUDAN. — August:   Advance  on   Khartoum.     September   1: 

Battle  of  Omdurman,  Khalifa  defeated  by  Kitchener. 
1899— BEGINNING  OF  THE  GREAT  BOER  WAR  (1899-1902).— 
October  9. 


[404] 


GENERAL   INDEX 


NOTE.  The  names  of  authors  of  the  articles  are  printed  in  capitals 
the  titles  of  the  articles  in  italics,  and  the  subject  entries  in  ordinary 
type. 


ABBOTT,  ANGUS  EVANS 

At  Shiloh 3 

Bull  Run 3 

Attack  on  Queenston  Heights, 

The   1 

Fight  of  the  Arickaree  Fork, 

The   3 

Morgan's  Raid 3 

Red  Alan's  Last  Victory,  The  4 

Storming  of  Ogdensburg.  The  1 

Story  of  Laura  Secord,  The.  1 

Tecumseh  1 

Abdul  Aziz,  Sultan  4 

Abdul  Hamid 4 

Abercromby  in  Egypt 1 

Aboukir,  Bay  of 1 

Abu-Klea    4 

Abu-Kru 4 

Aculco,  Battle  of   2 

Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Battle  of 

Manila 4 

Afghan  Fighting 4 

—  War,  The  First 2 

—  The  Second 4 

Afghanistan,  Destruction  of  an 

Army  in 2 

Akbar  Khan 2 

"  Alamo,  Remember  the  " 2 

Albania 4 

Alcorta,  General    2 

Alesio,  The  Countess   1 

Alexandria,  Bombardment  of . .  4 

—  Capitulation  of 1 

Alma,  Battle  of  the 2 

—  The  River..... 2 

Alumbagh,  The 2 

Ameers,  Surrender  of  the 2 

Amoaful    5 

Ana,  Santa   2 

Anecdotes  of  Sherman's  March  3 
Angostura,  or  Buena  Vista  .  —  2 
Anstruther,  Col.,  in  the  Trans- 
vaal     4 

Appomattox  Court  House,  Lee 

and  Grant  at    3 

—  Leeat 3 


Vol.  Page 


31 
13 

301 

218 

54 

13 

325 

317 

333 

247 

247 

35 

37 

187 

188 

33 

310 
80 

110 
80 


102 
71 
247 
148 
289 
146 
54 
163 
169 
341 
126 
351 
73 
149 
130 

121 


Vol.  Page 

Arabi  Pasha 4  148 

167 

—  His  Power  Broken 4  185 

Arickaree  Fort,  Fight  of  the. . .  3  218 

Army,  Destruction  of  a  British  2  88 

—  of  Retribution,  The 2  104 

—  of  the  Potomac,  The 3  112 

—  of  the  Rhine,  The 3  246 

Ashantis,  Fighting  with   3  351 

Atlanta  Campaign,  The 3  111 

—  in  Flames 3  145 

—  The  Evacuation  of 3  138 

Athens,  Demonstrations  in 4  247 

Attack    on    Queenston  Heights, 

The   1  301 

ATTERIDGE  A.  HILLIARD 
Admiral  Dewey  and  the  Bat- 
tle of  Manila 310 

Battle  of  Domokos,  The 246 

Battle  of  Magersfontein,  The  367 

Battle  of  Ping  Yang,  The. . .  208 

Capture  of  Cronje,  The 383 

Decisive  Battle  of  the  Franco- 
German  War,  The 3  279 

Port  Arthur,  1894  4  225 

With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan  4  263 
With  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan 

Hill 4  330 

Auckland,  Lord,  and  Dost  Ma- 
homed   2  88 

Augerau,  General   1  78 

Austerlitz,  Napoleon  at 1  77 

Austria  and  Prussia  at  Sadowa  3  199 
Austrian*  and  Russians  at  Aus- 
terlitz    1  80 

Ayacucho,  Battle  at 2  33 

Ayoub  Khan  (see  Maiwand  and 

Kandahar)    4  80 

Ayoub's  Army  Routed   4  113 


B 


Badajoz,  Siege  and  Fall  of 1 

Baird.  Smith,  Engineer  at  Delhi  2 

Balaclava    2 

194       —  The  Battle  of 2 

192       —  The  Highlanders  at 2 

[405] 


208 
219 
291 
194 
211 
Front 


General  Index 


Vol. 

Baltimore,  The,  at  Manila  Bay  4 

Bandoola,  Burmese  General ...  2 

Baptism  of  Fire,  a  Prince's. ...  3 

Barbary  States  War.  The 1 

Barksdale,  Genr.,  at  Fredericks- 
burg  3 

Bastion,  No.  1   2 

Bates',  General,  Brigade   4 

"Battle    Above    the    Clouds," 

The  Chattanooga 3 

—  of  the  Alma 2 

—  oj  Balaclava,  The 2 

—  of  Bridgwater,  The 1 

—  of  Domokos,  The 4 

—  oj  Inkerman,  The 2 

—  oj  Magersjontein,  The 4 

—  oj  Ligny,  The 1 

—  of  Mars-la-Tour,  The 3 

—  oj  Ping  Yang,  The 4 

—  of  Waterloo,  The 1 

Battlefield,  A  Revisited 3 

"Battle-thinker,"  Moltke,  the.  3 

Battye,  Lt.,  Quintin 2 

Bavarians  and  Tyrolese,  The..  1 

"  Bayard  of  India, "  The   2 

Bazaine,  Marshal 3 

Bazeilles,  The  Burning  of 3 

Beauregard,    Gen.,    and    Fort 

Sumter 3 

—  Gen.  and  Shiloh 3 

Beecher,  Lt.  F.  H 3 

Belgian  War  of  Independence  . .  2 

Bell,  Col.,  at  Santiago 4 

Bellairs,  Col.,  in  Transvaal  ...  4 
Bensdek,  Austrian  General  at 

Sadowa  3 

Benteen,  Capt 4 

Beresford,  Lord  Charles  at  Alex- 
andria     4 

Bernadotte,  General 1 

—  atlena 1 

Bezuidenhuit  and  Taxation  in 

the  Transvaal 4 

Biographical    Interest   in    this 

Work 4 

Bismarck's  policy  of  "  Blood  and 

Iron" 3 

Black  Watch,  The 1 

Blind  Eye,  Nelson's 1 

"Blood   and   Iron,"   Bismarck, 

the  Man  of 3 

Bloodthirstiness  of  Ashantis. . .  3 

Bloody  Knife,  Chief 4 

Blucher  at  Ligny 1 

Boer  War  of  1881,  The 4 

Bolivar,  Gen 2 

Bollini,  Gen 4 

Bombardment     oj     Alexandria, 

The   4 

Boston,  The,  at  Manila  Bay. . .  4 

Bourbaki,  General 3 

Bowie,  Jas.,  at  the  Alamo 2 

"Bowie  Knife,"  Inventor  of  the  2 
BOYD,  BRIG.  GEN.  J.  P.   U.  S. 

The  Fight  at  Chrystler's  Farm  1 

"  Brabanconne,"  The 2 


Page 
317 

31 
239 

55 

47 
186 
334 

111 

163 
211 
358 
246 
231 
367 
404 
246 
208 
422 
276 
216 
280 
170 
113 
246 
304 

15 

32 

221 

46 

338 

124 

210 
20 

157 

78 
126 

120 


200 
45 
25 

200 
352 

18 
417 
115 

33 
334 

146 

317 

246 

79 

79 

351 

47 


Vol.  Page 

BRACKENRIDGE,  H.  M. 

Chesapeake  and  Shannon  . .  1  345 
Fight  between  the  Constitu 

tion  and  the  Guerriere  . .  1  295 

Bragg,  Capt.,  at  Buena  Vista.  2  142 

—  Gen.,  and  Gen.  Morgan. . .  3  55 

—  and  Shiloh 3  33 

Brave  Deed  by  a  Girl 1  183 

Bravo,  General 2  148 

Brent,  Spencer,  General 1  39 

Bridgwater,  Battle  of   1  358 

Brindle,  Father   4  308 

"British  Soldiers  Battle,  The"  2  231 

Brock,  Death  of  General 1  311 

Bronkhorst  Spruit 4  121 

Brown,  General,  at  Niagara  ...  1  358 

—  Sir  George,  at  Inkerman  ...  2  239 

Bruld,  Sioux  Indian  Chief 3  226 

Brunn,  Napoleon  at   1  80 

Brussels  and  the  Belgian  War 

for  Independence 2  46 

Buell,  General,  and  Shiloh,....  3  32 

Buena  Vista.  2  131 

Buf ord  Seizes  Gettysburg 3  79 

Bull  Run,  Battle  of 3  13 

Burgoyne,  Sir  John,  on  the  Se- 

bastopol  Forts   2  189 

Burke,  Martin  3  222 

Burleigh,  Mr.  Bennett   4  189 

Burnaby,  Col.  Fred,  Death  of  .  4  187 

Burma,  Fighting  in 2  13 

Burning  of  Moscow,  The 1  261 

Bush,  Lieut.,  Death  of 1  298 

BUTLER,  A.  J . 

A  Famous  Fight  for  Freedom  1  165 

Byram,  Lt.,  at  Santiago 4  338 


Cabul 2  88 

—  to  Kandahar 4  97 

Cairo,  Assault  on 1  50 

Caldwell,  Major,  at  Arapultepec  2  155 
Calf  Killer  Creek,  The  Farmer 

of  3  63 

Campaign  of  the  Carolinas,  The  3  145 

—  of  New  Orleans 1  366 

—  of  the  Wilderness,  The 3  171 

Campbell,  Sir  Colin,  at  Bala- 
clava   2  218 

—  in  the  Crimea 2  174 

—  Sir  A.,  in  Burma 1  17 

Canada,      Invasion      of      (See 

The  Attack  on  Queenston 
Heights;  The  Story  of  Laura 
Secord) 

Canadians,  The,  in  South  Africa  4  392 

Candahar  and  Maiwand    4  80 

Canrobert,  Gen.,  at  Inkerman  .  2  238 

Canrobert,  Marshal 3  246 

Cape  Coast,  The 3  351 

Capitulation  of  Paris 3  350 

Capron,  Capt.,   Alwin,  at  San- 
tiago   4  341 

Capture  oj  Cronje,  The 4  383 

Cardigan,  Lord   2  211 

Carlist  War 2  356 

—  ..                                           .3  390 


[406] 


General  Index 


Carnarvon,  Lord 4 

Carolinas,  Campaign  of  the  —  3 
Carpenter,  Col.,  at  Arickaree 

Fork 3 

Cashmere  Gate,  Delhi,  Heroes 

of  the 2 

Castillo,  General  4 

Cavite  4 

Cawnpore,  Surrender  of 2 

Cetewayo,  The  Zulu  King 4 


Vol.  Page 


118 
145 

237 

297 
334 
319 
316 
52 
117 
351 


Chaffee,  Gen.,  at  Santiago 

Champlain,  S.  de,  and  the  Iro- 

quois   4  13 

Chapultepec,  The  Fall  of 2  148 

Chard,  Lieut 4  53 

Charge  of  the  Light  Brigade  . .  2  226 
Charles,  Prince  Fred'k,  at  Sa- 

dowa  3  203 

Charleston  Evacuated 3  170 

Charleroi 1  422 

Charlier,  Siege  of 2  55 

Chelmsford,  Lt.  Gen.,  Lord  ...  4  52 

Chemulpo,  The  Japanese  at   . .  4  208 

Cheraw  Captured    3  170 

Chesapeake  and  Shannon,  The  1  345 

Cheyenne,  Indian  Chief 3  226 

Chrystler's  Farm,  The  Fight  at  1  351 

Chinese  War  (1841)    2  357 

Chino-Japanese  War 4  7 

208,225 

CivflWar.The 3  13 

31,  45,  54,  76  93,  111,  145  171 
Clarke  and  McArthur's  "  Life  of 

Nelson"  cited 1  31 

Cochrane,  Sir  A 1  366 

Codrington,  Gen.,  at  Inkennan  2  238 

Coffee,  General   1  386 

Collapse  of  the  Confederacy,  The  3  171 
Colley,  Sir  G.  Pomeroy,  in  South 

Africa 4  124 

Collingwood,  Admiral 1  109 

Colombia  Captured 3  170 

—  Throws  off  Spanish  Yoke. . .  2  33 
Composition  of  the  Army  in  the 

Civil  War  3  19 

Comrades  in  Opposing  Ranks  .  3  17 

Concord,  The,  at  Manila  Bay. .  4  317 

Condor,  Exploit  of  the 4  158 

Confederacy,  Collapse  of  the  . .  3  171 
Conquest  of  Scinde  by  Sir  C. 

Napier 2  111 

Constitution  and  Guerriere,  The  1  295 

—  The,  at  Tripoli 1  69 

Coomassie 3  351 

Copenhagen,  Nelson  at 1  13 

Cordova,  Gen 2  40 

Corregidor  Island    4  316 

Corse,  Gen.,  at  Allatoona 3  141 

Corunna,  The  Rrtmtf  of 1  151 

Crazy  Horse 4  17 

Crete,  Insurrcctict  in 4  246 

Crimean  War  Thj 2  6 

163,  182 

Crockett,  Davy 2  79 

Crook's  Defeat  by  Indians 4  18 


Vol.  Page 

Crow  Indians  ...............     4  18 

Crown  Prince  of  Germany,  The    3  247 

Cuban  War,  The  ............     4  310 

Cuidad    Roderigo,    Siege    and 
Fall  of  ..................     1 


Cumberland,  Army  of  the  ____  3 
Custer,  Gen.,  and  tis  Men  start 

for  the  Wilderness  .......  4 

—  on  the  Bad  Lands  .........  4 

Custer's  Disappearance   ......  4 

The  "Cutting  out"  of  the 

Philadelphia  ............  1 


Daiguiri  Bombarded  .........     4 

Danish  War  ................     1 

—  of  1864  ........   ..........     3 

Dannenberg,  Russian   General, 

at  Balaclava  .............     2 

Davis,  President,  receives  Gen. 

Lee's  Message  in  Church  .     3 
Davis,  Richard  Harding,  at  San- 

tiago ................... 

Davoust,  General  ............     1 

—  at  Ie"na  ................... 

Death  of  Sir  John  Moore  ...... 

Death  of  Nelson  ............. 

Decatur,  S.,  Life  of  .......... 

—  on  The  Intrepid  .......... 

Decisive  Battle  oj  the  Franco- 

German  War,  The  ........     3 

De  Lacy  Evans  at  Inkennan.  . 
Delhi  ....................... 

"Deliverer,    The"    (Gen.   Bol- 

ivar) ................... 

De  Mareuil,  Colonel,  ViUebors  . 
D'Erlon's  Corps  at  Ligny  .....     1 

De  Roos,  Gen  ...............     4 

Dervishes  Fighting  .......... 

Destruction  of  a  British  Army.  . 
Detroit,  The,  at  Santiago  ..... 

De  Wet,  General  .............     4 

Dewey,  Admiral  Geo  .........     4 

DEWEY  STODDARD 

Remember  the  Alamo  ...... 

Dickinson,  Lt.,  at  Santiago  — 
Dickinson's  Widow  at  theAlamo 
"Diehards,  The"  ............     2 

Dolgorouki,  Prince,  and  Napo- 

leon I  ..................     1 

Domokos,  The  Battle  of  ...... 

"Don't  Give  up  the  Ship"  ... 
Dost  Mahomed   .............     2 

Donay,  General  .............     3 

Downfall  it  an  Empire,  The  .. 
Drummond,  Gen.,  at  Niagara  . 
Drunkenness  of  British  Soldiers 

in  Spain  ................ 

Duke,  Col.  Basil,  and  Morgan 
Dumford,  Colonel,  called  to 

Isandhlwana  ............ 

Dutch,  The,  and  the  Belgians. 

—  East  India  Company,  The.  . 


199 
206 
114 

22 
13 
26 

65 


330 
444 
385 

250 
176 


4 

336 

1 

78 

126 

151 

103 

121 

56 

55 

I 

279 

1 

239 

2 

261 

2 

33 

4 

390 

1 

415 

4 

391 

4 

l'f,4 

1 

88 

4 

330 

4 

385 

4 

310 

2 

71 

4 

355 

1 

86 

2 

253 

1 

81 

4 

245 

1 

347 

2 

88 

1 

246 

1 

301 

1 

359 

1 

157 

1 

66 

4 

64 

2 

46 

4 

116 

[407] 


General  Index 


V 

ol.  P 

age 

E 

Earle,  General,  in  the  Soudan. 

4 

186 

Eastern,  General,  receives  Sher- 

man's famous  Instructions 

3 

143 

Ecuador     Throws   off   Spanish 

Yoke   

2 

33 

Egypt,  With  Abercromby  in... 

1 

35 

El  Caney  

4 

347 

EHenborough,  Lord,  in  India.  . 

2 

107 

Eloquence  of  Indian  Warriors. 

1 

341 

El  Pozo  

4 

347 

Emeute  on  Brussels  Streets  

2 

48 

Empire,  Germanic    Confedera- 

tion an     

3 

329 

—  The  Downfall  of  an  

3 

301 

Empress  of  India,  Victoria  

4 

80 

"  England  Expects,"  etc  

1 

104 

England's  Interests  in  Egypt  .  . 

4 

167 

English  and  French  in  Alliance 

2 

167 

Ethnike  Hetaireia,  The  

4 

246 

Ewell,  Gen.,  at  Gettysburg   .  .  . 

3 

85 

Excesses  of  Soldiers  at  Delhi.. 

2 

302 

F 

Failly,  General  

3 

246 

Fall  of  Ckapultepec,  The  

2 

148 

—  of  Vicksburg,  The    

3 

93 

Famous  Fight  jor  Freedom,  A  . 

1 

165 

Farmer   of    Calf  -Killer    Creek, 

The   

3 

63 

Fayetteville  Captured  

3 

170 

Ferry,  M.  Jules   

3 

320 

Fight  of  the  Arickaree  Fork,  The 

3 

218 

—  at  Chry  slier'  s  Farm,  The  .  .  . 

1 

351 

—  between  the   Chesapeake  and 

the  Shannon    

1 

345 

Fighting  with  Ashantis  at  Am- 

oaful  and  Coomassie  

3 

351 

—  with  Savages  in  Burma  

2 

13 

Fire,  A  Prince's  Baptism  of  — 

3 

239 

Fish,  Sergt.  Hamilton,  Death  of 

4 

341 

Forbach  

3 

240 

FORBES,  ARCHIBALD 

The  Collapse  of  the  Confed- 

eracy    

3 

171 

A  Prince's  Baptism  of  Fire.  . 

3 

239 

Battle  of  Ligny,  The  ... 

1 

404 

Boer  War  of  1881,  The 

4 

115 

Destruction  of  a  British  Reg- 

iment, The   

2 

88 

Maiwand      and       Candahar. 

The  second  Afghan  War.  . 

4 

80 

A  Scene  at  Mars-la-Tour  — 

3 

269 

Sir  C.  Napier's  Conquest  of 

Scinde   

2 

111 

Sherman's  Atlanta  Campaign 

3 

111 

—  March  to  the  Sea  

3 

145 

Forsyth,  Col.  G.  A  
Fortifying  Rorke's  Drift  

3 
4 

218 
61 

Franco-Prussian  War  

3 

239 

246,  279, 

301, 

330 

Frederick,  King  of  Prussia  (See 

Napoleon  at  lena)  

Frederick  sburg    

3 

45 

Freedom,  A  Famous  Fight  for 

1 

165 

Freiligrath's     "  Trumpeter     of 

Mars-la-Tour"  

3 

264 

Vol.  Page 

French  and  English  in  Alliance  2  167 

—  Empire  a  Republic 3  329 

Frere,  Sir  Bartle,  Declares  War 

against  Zulus   4  52 

Frossard,  Gen 3  246 

Futtehpore,  The  Fight  at 2  338 

G 

Gartia's  Cubans   4  349 

"George  the  Red"    1  326 

Germanic    Confederation,    An 

Empire   3  329 

"Germany  for  the  Germans".  3  200 

Gettysburg  3  76 

—  Ridge  of,  Described 3  82 

Ghazis,  Fighting   4  90 

Gladstone  on  the  Transvaal —  4  119 

"  Glengarry  Fentibles,"  The  . .  1  326 

Glyn,  Col.,  in  Zululand 4  52 

Godfrey,  Lieut 4  331 

Godfrey's,    Captain,    Premoni- 
tions about  Custer 4  22 

Gordon,  General,   The  Tragedy 

of  Khartoum 4  186 

—  The  Death  of   4  206 

—  Extracts  from  Diaries    4  201 

—  Story  of    4  |7 

—  Work  in  the  Soudan 4  309 

Grant,  Gen.,  U.  S 3  93 

—  How  he  Saved  the  Union. . .  3  94 

—  and  Sherman  Compared 3  111 

Gravelotte,  at 3  279 

Gravina,  Admiral    1  103 

"Great  Trek,"  of  1815,  The  ..4  115 
"Great    Silent   One,"    Moltke, 

the  3  216 

Greco-Turkish  War 4  7 

—  of  1897,  The  4  246 

Greek  War  of  Independence  . .  2  354 
Gridley,  Captain  Dewey's  Mes- 
sage to 4  321 

—  Injured 4  323 

Griffiths,  Maj.  A 2  7 

GRIFFITHS,  MAJOR  ARTHUR 

The  Battle  of  the  Alma 2  163 

Battle  of  Balaclava,  The 2  211 

Battle  of  Inkerman,  The 2  231 

Fall  of  Vicksburg,  The 3  93 

Gettysburg  3  76 

Siege  of  Sebastopol,  The 2  182 

Storming  of  Kars,  The 4  32 

Griffin,  Gen.,  Before  Petersburg  3  173 

Grimes,  Capt.,  at  Santiago 4  349 

Graver,  Sharp   3  221 

Graver,  Abner  T 3  221 

Guard,  the  French  at  Waterloo  1  437 
Gubbins,  the  Commissioner  at 

Lucknow 2  312 

Guerriere  and  Constitution,  The  1  295 

H 

Half -Yellow-Face 4  18 

Hall,  Capt.,  of  the  Constitution  1  295 

Halleck,  Gen 3  31 

Hamley,  Gen.,  on  the  March  to 

Tel-el  Kebir 4  178 

180 


[408] 


General  Index 


Hancock,  Gen.,  at  Gettysburg  . 

Vol 
3 

Page 
78 
85 

Indian  Mutiny,  The.    Delhi  .  . 
Indians  in  Warfare,  The 

Vol. 
2 
1 

Page 
261 
314 

"Hand  to  Hand  and  Foot  to 

Ingogo,  Fight  at  the  

4 

134 

Foot"  

| 

142 

Inkerman    

2 

194 

Hands,  Mr.,  Describes  the  Cu- 

— The  Battle  of  

f 

231 

ban  Army  

| 

332 

2 

71 

Hapsburgs,  House  of  the  

| 

199 

Intrepid,  Decatur  on  The  . 

1 

55 

Hardie,  Gen.  W.  J.,  at  Savannah 
Hardy,  Capt.    .  . 

3 
1 

155 
106 

Irish,  The,  at  Tel-el  Kebir  

4 

2 

184 
121 

—  Sir  I  homas  

1 

366 

4 

13 

Harrison,  Gen.,  and  the  Shaw- 

4 

55 

nees  

1 

336 

4 

169 

j 

239 

2 

362 

Haskell,  Col.,  at  Santiago  

4 

355 

T 

383 

Haspinger,  Father  Joachim  

1 
? 

167 
102 

T 

Havelock's  March  to  Lucknow 
Henty,  G.  A  

1 

1 

329 
7 

Jackson,  Gen.,  at  New  Orleans 

1 
2 

366 

",", 



fl 

7 

j  am  DC  ae  oois     .  .  .......  .  .  , 

HENTY,  GEO.  A. 

1 

351 

Japanese-  Chinese  War,  The  .  . 

4 

7 

Fighting  with  Savages  in  Bur- 

1 

165 

ma  

| 

13 

1 

45 

Indian     Mutiny,     Lucknow, 

3 

fM 

The             

•> 

307 

With  Wellington  in  the  Penin- 

—  Gen.  I.  E  

3 

14 

1 

192 

Highlanders,  The,  at  Balaclava 
Hill,  Gen.,  at  Gettysburg  

2 

3 

Front 
85 

Johnstone,  Lt.  Col.,  at  Chapul- 

? 

IV, 

Hills,  Lt..  Noble  Action  of  

1 

282 

4 

i?n 

Hinds,  Colonel  

1 

387 

3 

58 

? 

271 

1 

165 

—  Death  of  

1 

191 

7S 

Hohenlohe,  Gen.,  at  lena  

1 

138 

—  The  Storming  of  

4 

3? 

4 

?fiO 

Hood  and  Sherman  on  the  Evac- 
uation of  Atlanta  

3 

138 

Kassassin  and  Tel-el-  Kebir  

4 

167 

VfT 

Hood,  Gen.,  Assumes  Command 

1 

131 

4 

349 

Hooker,  Capt.,  at  Chapultepec 

j 

155 

77 

Kentucky,  Morgan  in  

3 

59 

"  Horrible  Pa.sha,"  nickname  of 
Arab!  Pasha  

4 

159 

Khalifa,  Pursuit  of  the  
—  Standard    

4 

4 
4 

302 
264 
263 

Horrors  of  a  Siege,  The  
—  of  War    (See  Napoleon's  Re- 
treat from  Moscow)  

3 

331 

—  The  Tragedy  of   
Khyber  Pass,  The  

4 
2 

4 

.  186 
105 

367 

Hostile  Indians  
Houston,  Monument  to  the  He- 

4 

17 

Kin-chow,  Capture  of  

4 
4 

225 
263 

roes  of  the  Alamo  at  
Howard,  Hon.  Hubert,  Death  of 
Howard,  Gen,,  at  Gettysburg.  . 

2 

4 

3 

296 
78 

KNOLLYS,  COLONEL  W.  W. 
"  With  Abercromby  in  Egypt  " 

1 
3 

35 

199 

85 

4 

?08 

Howard,  Maj.  Gen.,  Starts  for 

146 

Kruger,  Triumvir   

4 

120 

1 

31 

3 

114 

La  Belle  Mliasce    

1 

493 

1 

103 

2 

50 

1 

4ffi 

Laing's  Nek                     

4 

126 

1 

126 

ft 

246 

lena,  rvapo             '^Jt"\ii^-: 

1 

78 

? 

138 

—  at  lena  

1 

126 

Independence,   Belgian  War  of 
—  South  American  War  of  
Indian  Mutiny.  The  .  . 

2 
2 
2 

46 
33 
7 

Lanyon,  Sir  O,  in  the  Transvaal 
Las  Guasimas,  The  Fight  at.  . 
Last  Sortie  from  Paris,  The  

4 
4 
3 

118 
335 
336 

[409] 


General  Index 


Lawrence,  Capt.,  of  the  Chesa- 
peake    1 

Lawrence,  Sir  Henry 2 

Lawton,  General 4 

Lee,  Capt.,  Describes  El  Caney  4 

—  Gen.  R.  E.,  and  Gettysburg  .  3 

—  Gen.,  at  Fredericksburg 3 

Lee's  Farewell  to  his  Army 3 

Lee,  Gen.,  in  Richmond 3 

Leg,  An  Imported 3 

LEONARD  R.  MAYNARD 

Buena  Vista  2 

Ljao-Tung  in  1894 4 

Light  Brigade,  Charge  of  the  . .  2 

Ligny,  The  Battle  of 1 

Linares,  Gen 4 

Lincoln,  A.,  on  Gen.  Grant  ...  3 

—  Proclamation  of  War 3 

"  Lion  of  Meerpoor,"  The 2 

"Lion  of  the  Punjab,"  The...  2 

Little  Bighorn,  Fight  of  the —  4 

Longstreet,  Gen.,  at  Gettysburg  3 

Looting  in  the  Spanish  War 1 

—  of  Moscow,  The 1 

Lowe,  C 2 

LOWE,  CHARLES 

Battle  of  Mars-la-Tqur,  The  3 
Downfall  of  an  Empire,  The  3 
General  Gordon.    The  Trag- 
edy of  Khartoum 4 

Indian   Mutiny,  The,  Delhi, 

Kassassin  and  Tel-el  Kebir. .  4 

Konniggratz  or  Sadowa   3 

Lucan,  Lord,  at  Balaclava 2 

Ludlow,  Gen.,  at  Santiago „..  4 
"Lulu,"    Nickname   of   Prince 

Napoleon 3 

M 
Macarthy,  Sir  C.,  Defeated  by 

Ashantis   3 

McClellan,    Gen.,    Supersedes 

McDowell 3 

McClernand  at  Vicksburg 3 

—  Gen.,  at  Shiloh 3 

McCulloch,  Engineer  4 

MacDonald,  Maj.  Gen.  Hector  4 

McDowell,  Gen 3 

Macedonia   4 

Machias,  The,  at  Santiago 4 

MACKENZIE,  A.  S. 

The  "Cutting  out"  of  The 

Philadelphia 1 

McKenzie,  Capt.,  at  Chapulte- 

pec 2 

Mackenzie  before  Petersburg  . .  3 

McLean's  House,  Interview  be- 
tween Lee  and  Grant  at. .  5 

MacMahon,  Marshal  5 

—  In  the  Crimea 2 

McPherson,  Gen 3 

Madrid.  The  March  to 1 

—  Wellington  Enters 1 

Magersfontein,  Battle  of 4 

Mahdi,  The   4 

—  Besieges  Khartoum  4 

—  The  Power  of  4 


Vol.  Page 


345 

309 

331 

350 

77 

51 

198 

172 

132 

130 

225 

226 

404 

334 

94 

13 

126 

296 

13 

85 

158 

263 

7 

246 
301 

186 

167 
199 
214 
352 

240 


352 

30 

.  97 

37 

329 

381 

14 

247 

330 


55 

152 
173 

195 
246 
203 
114 
226 
234 
367 
7 

186 
263 


Vol.  Page 
Maiwand  and  Candahar.    The 

Second  Afghan  War 4  80 

Majuba  Mountain,  The  Disas- 
ter of  4  137 

Malakoff  Tower,  The 2  186 

Malcolm,  Rear-Admiral 1  366 

Manchuria,  Invasion  of   4  225 

Manila,  The  Battle  of 4  310 

March  to  the  Sea,  Sherman's 3  145 

—  Shiloh,  The 3  34 

Marmont,  General 1  78 

Mars-la-Tour,  Battle  of 3  246 

Marshall,  E.,  at  Santiago 4  336 

—  Courage  of 4  345 

Massacres  in  Alexandria 4  150 

Meade's,  Gen.,  Advance  to  Get- 
tysburg      3  78 

Medal  Commemorates  Napo- 
leon's Retreat  from  Moscow  1  294 

Meerut,  Indian  Mutiny  begun  at  2  261 

Melikoff,  Gen.  Loris,  Attacks 

Kars 4  40 

Menschikoff,  Prince,  in  the 

Crimea 2  164 

Merritt,  Gen.,  before  Petersburg  3  173 

Methuen,  Lord,  to  the  Relief  of 

Kimberly 4  367 

Metz  Beleaguered  Capitulates  .  3  301 

—  The  French  Retreat  on 3  280 

Mexican  Lancers  and  Illinois 

Soldiers 2  138 

—  War,  The 2  7 

130 

Midnight  March  on  Delhi,  The  2  273 

—  to  Tel-el  Kebir.  The    4  178 

Milam,  Ben 2  71 

Miles,  Colonel,  at  Santiago   ...  4  352 

Minte  Rifle,  The,  at  Inkerman  .  2  260 
Mississippi,  Department  of  the, 

Created 3  31 

—  The,  Described  1  368 

Moltke,    Field    Marshal   Count 

von 3  247 

—  at  Sadowa   3  203 

Monterey,  Capture  of 2  132 

Montojo,  Admiral 4  313 

Moore,  Sir  John 1  151 

Morgan's  Raid 3  54 

Moscow,  The  Burning  of 1  261 

—  Napoleon's  Retreat  from  —  1  258 
Movers,    J.    H.,    Med.    Dep., 

U.S.  A 3  221 

Mullens,  Col.,  at  New  Orleans.  1  399 

Murat,  Prince 1  78 

—  at  Kna 1  126 

—  at  Moscow 1  259 

Mutiny,  The  Indian  2  7 

—  Delhi 2  261 

—  Lucknow  2  307 

N 

Nana,  Sahib 2  314 

Napier,   Sir   Charles,   Conquest 

of  Scinde 2  111 

—  Family,  The   2  111 

—  W.,   History  of   the    Penin- 

sular War 2  111 


[410] 


General  Index 


Vol. 

Napoleon  and  the  Tyrolese. ...  1 

Napoleon  at  Austerlitt 1 

—  at  Una  1 

—  at  Ligny 1 

—  Determines  to  Crush  England  1 

—  in  Spain 1 

—  Ill  and  Bismarck 3 

—  Surrender  of    3 

Napoleon's  Retreat  jrom  Moscow  1 

Natal  Mounted  Police,  The...  4 

Negjil  Bay,  British  Fleet  at...  1 

Nelson  at  Copenhagen    1 

—  Trafalgar 1 

—  Death  of 1 

Neufeld,  Charles,  Release  of  . .  4 
New  Orleans,   Campaign  of...  1 
New  Orleans,  The,  at  Santiago  4 
New  Zealand   Maori  Insurrec- 
tion    2 


Ney,  Marshal 

—  at  Una. 

—  at  Ligny 

—  at  Waterloo 

Niagara  Falls,  Battle  of t 

Nicholson,   Brigadier  at  Delhi.     2 
Night  Attack  on  Kars,  The...     4 

Nightingale,  Florence 2 

Nodzu,  General,  in  Korea .     4 

Nott  in  the  First  Afghan  War.     2 


O'Brien,  Capt.,  at  Buena  Vista  2 

Ogallalah,  Indian  Chief 3 

Ogdensburgh,  The  Storming  of  1 

Ohio,  Army  of  the 3 

Ohrwajder,  Father 4 

Olympia,  The,  at  Manila  Bay.  4 

Omdurman 4 

Orange  Free    State,   Formation 

of  4 

Oratory  of  Indian  Warriors...  1 
O'SHEA,  JOHN  AUGUSTUS 

The  Belgian  War  of  Indepen- 
dence    2 

Paris  Besieged   3 

Oshima.  Gen.,  in  Korea 4 

Outram,  Major   2 

—  and  the  Relief  of  Lucknow.  2 


Paget,  Lord  Edward 1 

Pakenham,  Sir  E.,  at  New  Or- 

li-.ms 1 

Palo  Alto,  Battle  at 2 

Paris  Besieged  and  the  Last 

Sortie  5 

—  Capitulation  of   3 

—  The  Last  Sortie  from 3 

Parker,  Admiral  Sir  Hyde 1 

PARRY,  D.  H. 

Death  of  Sir  John  Moore  and 

Corunna,  The 1 

Napoleon  at  lena 1 


Page 
165 
77 
126 
404 
103 
153 
324 
317 
258 
125 
366 
13 
103 
121 
298 
366 
330 

362 
385 

78 
126 
415 
424 
358 
287 

40 
196 
211 
110 


138 
226 
325 
114 
C06 
317 
263 

115 
341 


46 
T30 
211 
213 
113 
334 


155 

387 
132 

330 

350 

337 

15 


151 
126 


Vol.  Page 


258 
16 


50 

102 


Napoleon's  Retreat   from 
Moscow 1 

Patterson,  Gen 3 

Pelham,  Major,  at  Fredericks- 
burg  3 

Pemberton,  Gen.,  at  Vicksburg    3 

PEMBERTON,  MAX 
The  Bombardment  of  Alex- 
andria    

Peninsular  War   

—  With  Wellington  in  the 

Pennefather,  Col.,  in  India   

—  at  Inkerman 2 

Perez,  General,  at  Chapultepec 
Petersburg,  The  Attack  on 

—  Evacuation  of  3 

Petrel,  The,  at  Manila  Bay 

Pharsala,  Battle  of 4 

Philadelphia,  "Cutting  out"  of 

the  

Pickett,  Gen.,  Before  Petersburg 

Pietermaritzburg   

Pillow    2 

Ping-Yang,  The  Battle  of 

Preble,  Commodore  at  Tripoli 

67 

Pretorius,  Triumvir 4 

Prince's  Baptism  o\  Fire,  A  — 
Prince  Imperial  of  France,  The 

Privations  in  Paris  Besieged. . . 
Prussia  and  Austria  at  Sadowa 

—  King  of,  at  Ie"na 1 

Prussians,  The,  at  Ligny 

Polk,  Gen.,  and  Shiloh 3 

Pollock,    Gen.,    in    the    First 

Afghan  War 2 

Pontiac    

Port  Arthur,  1894   4 

—  The  Country  around   

Porter,  Admiral,  at  Vicksburg. 
Potomac,  Army  of  the 8 


Quatre  Bras 1 

Quirk's  Scouts 1 

Quitman,  General 2 

"Queen  of  England's  Own"  ..  3 

Quecnston  Heights   1 


Raglan,  Lord,  in  the  Crimea. .  2  168 

—  at  Inkerman   2  239 

Raleigh,  The,  at  Manila  Bay.  .4  317 

Rangoon 2  14 

Red  Jacket,  Indian  Orator 4  16 

Red  Man's  Last  Victory,  The. .  4  13 

"  Red  Prince,"  The 3  247 

—  at  Sadowa 3  203 

Redan.  The    2  186 

Ree  Indians   4  18 

Regnault,    Henri,  Painter,  The 

Death  of  3  347 

Relief  of  Lucknow,  The 2  332 

" Remember  the  Alamo"   2  71 

"Remember  the  Maine" 4  321 


4 

146 

1 

445-7 

1 

192 

2 

121 

2 

247 

2 

161 

3 

172 

3 

177 

4 

317 

4 

251 

1 

55 

3 

173 

4 

53 

•2 

149 

4 

208 

1 

56 

4 

120 

3 

239 

4 

7 

3 

243 

3 

331 

3 

199 

1 

126 

1 

407 

3 

33 

2 

110 

1 

333 

4 

225 

4 

226 

3 

107 

3 

112 

[411] 


General  Index 


Remnant  of  an  Army,  The 2 

Rdno,  Major 4 

Republic,  French  Empire,  A  . .  3 

Retreat  from  Moscow,  The —  1 

Reynolds,  Surgeon 4 

Riall,  Maj.  Gen.,  at  Niagara. .  1 

Ripley,  Gen.,  at  Niagara 1 

RIPLEY,  R.  S. 

The  Fall  of  Chapultepec 2 

Roberts,  Sir  Frederick,  at  Cabul  4 

—  Leaves  Candahar 4 

—  Lord,  on  the  Vaal 4 

—  Col.    Tom,    and   his    "Im- 

ported Leg" 3 

ROBERTSON,  W.  B. 
Breaking  the  Spanish  Power 

in  South  America 2 

"  Roman  Nose,"  Chief 3 

Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill 4 

—  to  the  Blockhouse 4 

Rorke's  Drift 4 

Rostopchin,  Governor,  of  Mos- 
cow    1 

"Rough  and  Ready"  Taylor..  2 

—  Riders,  The  Southern 3 

Ruchel,  Gen.,  at  I6na 1 

Ruggles,  Gen.,  and  Shiloh 3 

Ruperts'  Land 4 

RUSSELL,  HERBERT 

With  Nelson  at  Copenhagen  1 
Russell's,  Clarke,  Life  of  Nelson 

cited 1 

—  Marcus,  Death  of 4 

Russia  Attacks  Kars 4 

Russo- Austrian  Army  at  Auster- 

litz  1 

—  Swedish  War 1 

—  Turkish  War,  The 4 


Saarbruck 3 

Sacking  of  Alexandria,  The —  4 

Sadowa,  or  Konniggratz 3 

St    Arnaud,    Marshal,    in   the 

Crimea 2 

St.  Privat 3 

Salamanca 1 

San  Juan  Hill,  Roosevelt  on  . .  4 

—  Sebastian,  Capture  of 1 

Sandbag  Battery,  The 2 

Sand  River  Convention,  The  . ..  4 

"  Sandwirth  "  Hofer,  The 1 

Sangley  Point 4 

Santa  Ana  (A.  L.  de  Santa  Ana)  2 

Savannah  Evacuated 3 

Savages,  Fighting  with,  in  Bur- 
ma    2 

—  in  Warfare  (see  Fighting  with 

Ashantis) 3 

Scarlett,  Gen.,  at  Balaclava. . .  2 

Schaerbeck,  Fray  at    2 

Schleswig-Holstein     and     Bis- 
marck      3 

Schofield,  Gen < 

Stinde,  Conquest  of 2 

Scotch,  The,  at  Tel-el-Kebir..  4 


Vol.  Page 


20 
329 
258 

53 
364 
361 
359 

148 

80 

114 

386 

132 


33 
218 
330 
365 

51 

260 

134 

58 

127 

33 

15 

13 

19 

342 

33 

80 
444 

7 


239 
164 
199 

168 
279 
222 
330 
254 
251 
116 
166 
319 
130 
159 

13 

351 

214 

48 

200 
114 
111 

182 


Vol. 

Scotchmen  in  the  War  of  1812  1 

Scott,  Sir  W ' 

SCOTT,  SIR  WALTER 

The  Battle  of  Waterloo 1 

Scott,  General,  at  Chapultepec  2 

Scouting   3 

Scudamore  Boys,  The 1 

Scully's  Heroic  Deed 2 

Sea,  Sherman's  March   to  the,  3 

Sebastopol  Harbor 2 

—  The  Siege  of   2 

Secord,  Laura 1 

Sedan,  The  Capitulation  of 3 

—  TheTownof 3 

Sedgwick,  Gen.,  at  Gettysburg  3 

Sekukuni,  War  with   4 

Servian  War,  The   4 

Seymour,    Admiral    Sir    B.,    at 

Alexandria    4 

—  Major,  at  Chapultepec 2 

Shafter,  General 4 

Shannon  and  Chesapeake,  The  1 
Shawnee  War  Chief  Tecumseh, 

The   1 

Sheik-ed-din,  The   4 

Shepstone,  Sir  T 4 

—  Annexes    the    Transvaal    to 

Britain 4 

Shere  Mohammed 2 

Sheridan  before  Petersburg  ...  3 

—  General,  at  Sedan 3 

—  Confidence  in  Forsyth 3 

Sheridan's     Campaign    against 

the  Sioux 4 

Sherman  and  Grant  Compared  3 

—  Assumes  Command   3 

—  on  Bull  Run   3 

—  his   March   to   the   Sea  and 

through  the  Carolinas 3 

Sherman's  Atlanta  Campaign  .  3 

" — Bummers"    3 

—  Campaign  of  the  Carolinas.  3 

—  March  to  the  Sea 3 

Shiloh   3 

Siboney,  Bay  of 4 

Sickles,  Gen.,  at  Gettysburg. . .  3 

Siege  of  Sebastopol,  The 2 

Sjgnals  Ignored  by  Nelson  — .  1 

Sioux  Indians,  The 3 

Sitting  Bull 4 

—  Chief  of  the  Sioux 4 

Slocum,  Gen.,  at  Gettysburg  . .  3 

—  Maj.  Gen.,  starts  for  the  Sea  3 
Smith,  Capt.,  at  the  Alamo...  2 

—  Gen.  C.  F.,  and  Shiloh 3 

—  Sir  Sidney 1 

Soimonoff,  Russian  General  at 

Inkerman   2 

Soudan,  Gordon's  Work  in  the  4 

—  War  in  the 4 

—  With  Kitchener  in  the 4 

Soult,  General  1 

—  at  Ie"na 1 


Pag» 
328 

7 

422 
151 
223 
192 
267 
145 
163 
182 
317 
315 
302 
78 
85 
116 
399 

151 

161 
347 
345 

333 
271 
117 

118 
126 
172 
315 
220 

18 
111 
112 

18 

170 

111 

149 

145 

145 

31 

334 

78 

85 

182 

25 

218 

17 

14 

78 

84 

146 

79 

31 

40 

48 

243 

308 
7 

263 
78 
126 


[412] 


General  Index 


V 
SouU,  General,  at  Ligny  

,,1. 
1 

Page 
415 

\ 

'ol. 

Page 

I 

424 

of               " 

4 

115 

South  African  Convention,  The 
—  Republic,  The  

4 

4 

116 
120 

Travis,  Colonel   at  the  Alamo. 

2 

1 

78 
55 

South  America,  Spanish  Power 

—  The  Last  Attack  on  

] 

67 

in  

•> 

33 

Southern  Rough  Riders.  The.  . 

••! 

58 

by  Freiligrath  

1 

264 

Spain,  The  War  in    

1 

151 

1 

366 

Spalding,  Major  

4 

53 

Tso,  Chinese  General  Death  of 

4 

223 

Spanish  in  South  America,  The 

7, 

7 

Turco-Grecian  War  

4 

7 

—  Power  in  South  America  ... 

••> 

33 

Turkish  Fleet,  The  

4 

247 

Sparks,  J.,  Library  of  American 

Tyrolese,  Hofer  and  the  

1 

165 

1 

55 

1 

167 

Spicheren  Height  

•\ 

243 

STEIN,  C. 

Uhlans,  The  Ubiquity  of  the.  . 
Ulm,  Th    Capitulation  of  

3 
1 

282 
79 

Campaign  of  New  Orleans 
Napoleon  at  Austerlitz   

1 
1 

366 

77 

Ulundi  The  Zulu  Capital   
Umbrellas  used  in  Warfare  by 

4 

52 

i 

Chinese  

4 

219 

Steinmetz,  General  von  

•\ 

247 

Union  Pacific  Railroad,  The.  . 

3 

218 

| 

209 

—  Sir  Herbert,  on  the  Soudan  . 
—  Sergeant,  Capturing  the  Eagle 

4 

1 

187 
Fron 

V 
Valdez,  General  

? 

39 

Stonewall    Jackson   at    Freder- 
icksburg   

3 

47 

Vansittart,  The  Hon.  Nicholas. 
Vassos,  Greek  Colonel   

1 

4 

16 
246 

—  First  so  named    

3 
4 

28 
32 

Venezuela  Throws  off    Spanish 

Yoke    

•> 

33 

Vicksburg,  The  Fall  of 

T 

93 

Stuart,  Gen.,  at  Fredericksburg" 

3 
1 

45 

169 

Victoria,    Queen,    Empress   of 
India  

4 

80 

Sumner,  Gen.,  at  Santiago  
Sumter,  Fort,  Fired  on  

4 
3 

361 
13 

Victory,  The  Nelson  Flagship  . 
—  The  Red  Man's  Last  

1 
4 

104 
13 

"  Sun  of  Austerlitz,  The  "  
Superstition  of  the  Ashantis.  .  . 
Smvanee,  The,  at  Santiago  

1 

3 
4 
1 

89 
352 
330 
444 

Villiers,    Fred.,    Description  of 
the  Attack  on  Port  Arthur 

4 

223 
236 

Sykes,  Gen.,  at  Gettysburg   .  .  . 
T 

3 

78 
85 

—  on  Chino-  Japanese  War   
—  on  the  Fighting  Dervishes  .  . 

Vittoria,  The  Battle  of  

4 
4 

1 

220 
280 
287 
239 

Ta-lien-wan,  Capture  of  

4 

225 

1 

246 
251 

Taylor,   General  Z,  at   Buena 
Vista           

| 

130 

Tchernaya,  Battle  of  the    

2 

1 

201 
167 

Wallace,  Gen.  W.  H.  L.,  at  Shi- 

1 

333 

loh  

3 

37 

Tel-el-Kebir  and  Kassassin  

4 

| 

167 
114 

—  Gen.  Lewis,  at  Shiloh  
War  of  1812,  History  of  

3 
1 

38 
358 

Tennyson,  Lord,  on  Balaclava. 

2 

7 

Washington,  Capt.,  at  the  Pass 

? 

135 

Campaign  

Tewfik   Prince               

4 

18 
149 

Wasp,  The,  at  Santiago  
Waterloo,  An  Incident  at  

4 

1 

330 
Front 

Texan  Insurrection  

2 

2 

7 
71 

—  Battle  of  
Watson,  Capt.,  at  Santiago  — 

1 
4 

422 
338 

Texas,  Annexation  of  

131 

—  Death  of  

4 

381 

Thomas,  General  

3 

218 
114 

Wayne,  Gen.,  and  the  Shawnees 
Weissenburg,  The  Crown  Prince 

1 

•} 

334 
247 

Ticonderoga,  Iroquois  at   

4 

ID 

1 

407 

Todleben's  Fortifications  in  the 

?, 

184 

—  in  the  Peninsular  War  

1 

1 

192 
336 

1 

131 

223 

Trafalsar.  Nelson  at  .  . 

1 

103 

Wilderness,  Campaign  of  the.. 

3 

171 

[413] 


General  Index 


Vol.  Page 

William,  King  of  Prussia 3  247 

—  at  Sadowa  3  200 

Williams,  Fenwick,  at  Kars  ...  4  32 

Willoughby,  Lt.,  at  Delhi 2  267 

With  Kitchener  in  the  Soudan.  4  263 

—  Roosevelt  on  San  Juan  Hill  4  330 

Wolmarans,  Gen 4  391 

Wolseley,  Sir  Garnet,  in  Ashan- 

tiland 3  353 

—  in  the  Transvaal 4  118 

Wolseley's,   Sir  Garnet,   Egyp- 
tian Campaign 4  168 

Wood,  Col.,  at  Santiago 4  336 

Worth,  The  Crown  Prince  at.  3  247 


Vol.  Page 


Yamagata,  Marshal 4      225 

"You  may  fire  when  you  are 

are  ready,  Gridley     4 

"Young  Buglers,  The,"  Extract 

from 1      192 

Young,  General,  at  Santiago  . .  4      336 


321 


Zeto  o  Polemos  1 4 

Zouaves,  The,  in  the  Crimea  ...     2 
Zulu  War  4 


246 

257 

7 

51 


[414] 


«\\fS 


